Este trabalho busca elucidar a formação do pensamento comunista no Brasil por meio da análise da primeira recepção do marxismo de matriz bolchevista e sua apropriação por Octávio Brandão. Como apontou Roger Chartier, é mister que os historiadores atentem às condições e aos processos que, muito concretamente, portam as operações de construção de sentido, visando uma história social dos usos e interpretações, referidos às suas determinações fundamentais e inscritos nas práticas específicas que os produzem. Por isso, enseja-se um estudo sobre a formação comunista e suas práticas culturais a partir da análise da edição, da construção do sentido da leitura e do itinerário intelectual de um dos principais responsáveis pela formação militante, Octávio Brandão. O recorte cronológico circunscreve a primeira década de existência do Partido Comunista do Brasil e o momento logo anterior, quando Octávio Brandão publica seus primeiros trabalhos. O estudo da edição comunista e de suas práticas de leitura nos direciona, portanto, à compreensão da recepção do marxismo por parte de Brandão e seus camaradas da direção pecebista nos anos 1920. / This work intends to elucidate the constitution of Communist thought in Brazil through the analisis of the first reception of Bolshevik marxism and its appropriation by Octávio Brandão. As pointed out by Roger Chartier, it is vital that historians pay attention to the conditions and processes that very concretely carry the operations of sense building. So that this work aims to study the Communist education and its Cultural practices through the analisis of publishing, of the building up of the sense of reading and of the intelectual itinerary of one of the most important responsibles for the Communist education, Octávio Brandão. The period approached is the first decade of Brazilian Communist Party existence and the just previous moment, when Octávio Brandão publishes his first Works. The study of Communist publishing and its Reading practices conducts to the comprehension of marxism reception by Brandão and his comrades of the PCB during de 1920.

Este trabalho propõe uma análise de experiências políticas de lideranças do Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCB) e de ativistas ligados aos movimentos sociais negros, com o objetivo de compreender os processos relacionados ao surgimento de interpretações sobre raça e nacionalidade que foram operacionalizadas no campo da política pelos dois grupos, durante o período de abertura democrática seguinte ao final do Estado Novo, resultando em estratégias diferenciadas. De um lado, ativistas negros tenderam a enfatizar sua própria condição racial ao se apresentarem como representantes dos negros, esperando atrair o voto dessa parcela de eleitores, o que resultaria no surgimento do voto racial, enquanto fenômeno eleitoral no país. Por outro, comunistas se apoiaram no discurso voltado para o povo na construção de sua atuação político-partidária, sem, contudo, ignorar o debate sobre a situação da população negra na sociedade brasileira. A hipótese central para investigação das experiências de comunistas e ativista negros foi de que eles concorreram na cena política nacional com variações da noção que negro é povo no Brasil. As fontes utilizadas para realizar a pesquisa foram exclusivamente documentais: jornais, revistas, correspondências, registros elaborados ou arquivados por órgãos do Estado (a exemplo do Superior Tribunal Eleitoral e do Departamento de Ordem Política e Social), documentos de circulação interna e de divulgação tanto de partidos políticos quanto de organizações negras. O uso de variadas fontes podem contribuir para a revelação de como alguns acontecimentos foram reforçados e outros apagados do passado, assim como a forma que processos relacionados à composição e à percepção da história influenciam o presente. / This work intends to analyze the political experiences of the Communist Party of Brazil leaders and the black movements activists. It aims to understand the processes related to the emergence of interpretations on race and nationality, as well as the way both groups used these interpretations to support different strategies in the field of politics, during the democratic opening following the end of the dictatorship period named Estado Novo (1937-1945). On the one hand, black activists tended to emphasize their own racial condition in order to present themselves as representatives of blacks, hoping to attract this segment of voters, which would result in the emergence of the race-oriented voting in Brazil as electoral phenomenon. On the other hand, Communists employed a focused discourse on the idea of \"Brazilian people\" to formulate their political platform, without ignoring, however, the debate on the situation of blacks in Brazilian society. The central hypothesis of this dissertation is that both Communists and Black activists showed up in the national political scene with competing meanings for the notion: blacks are the people in Brazil. The sources used in this research were newspapers, magazines, correspondences, documents elaborated or reunited by authorities of the Brazilian State (such as the Superior Electoral Court or the Department of Political and Social Order), as well as documents of internal circulation and disclosure of political parties and black organizations in Brazil. The use of a wide range of sources helped to disclose how certain events have been reinforced and others virtually deleted in the construction of the past, but also how processes related to the composition and perception of history affect the present.

Este trabalho propõe uma análise de experiências políticas de lideranças do Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCB) e de ativistas ligados aos movimentos sociais negros, com o objetivo de compreender os processos relacionados ao surgimento de interpretações sobre raça e nacionalidade que foram operacionalizadas no campo da política pelos dois grupos, durante o período de abertura democrática seguinte ao final do Estado Novo, resultando em estratégias diferenciadas. De um lado, ativistas negros tenderam a enfatizar sua própria condição racial ao se apresentarem como representantes dos negros, esperando atrair o voto dessa parcela de eleitores, o que resultaria no surgimento do voto racial, enquanto fenômeno eleitoral no país. Por outro, comunistas se apoiaram no discurso voltado para o povo na construção de sua atuação político-partidária, sem, contudo, ignorar o debate sobre a situação da população negra na sociedade brasileira. A hipótese central para investigação das experiências de comunistas e ativista negros foi de que eles concorreram na cena política nacional com variações da noção que negro é povo no Brasil. As fontes utilizadas para realizar a pesquisa foram exclusivamente documentais: jornais, revistas, correspondências, registros elaborados ou arquivados por órgãos do Estado (a exemplo do Superior Tribunal Eleitoral e do Departamento de Ordem Política e Social), documentos de circulação interna e de divulgação tanto de partidos políticos quanto de organizações negras. O uso de variadas fontes podem contribuir para a revelação de como alguns acontecimentos foram reforçados e outros apagados do passado, assim como a forma que processos relacionados à composição e à percepção da história influenciam o presente. / This work intends to analyze the political experiences of the Communist Party of Brazil leaders and the black movements activists. It aims to understand the processes related to the emergence of interpretations on race and nationality, as well as the way both groups used these interpretations to support different strategies in the field of politics, during the democratic opening following the end of the dictatorship period named Estado Novo (1937-1945). On the one hand, black activists tended to emphasize their own racial condition in order to present themselves as representatives of blacks, hoping to attract this segment of voters, which would result in the emergence of the race-oriented voting in Brazil as electoral phenomenon. On the other hand, Communists employed a focused discourse on the idea of \"Brazilian people\" to formulate their political platform, without ignoring, however, the debate on the situation of blacks in Brazilian society. The central hypothesis of this dissertation is that both Communists and Black activists showed up in the national political scene with competing meanings for the notion: blacks are the people in Brazil. The sources used in this research were newspapers, magazines, correspondences, documents elaborated or reunited by authorities of the Brazilian State (such as the Superior Electoral Court or the Department of Political and Social Order), as well as documents of internal circulation and disclosure of political parties and black organizations in Brazil. The use of a wide range of sources helped to disclose how certain events have been reinforced and others virtually deleted in the construction of the past, but also how processes related to the composition and perception of history affect the present.

A historiografia pesquisou o PCB a partir de sua militância, sua atuação eleitoral, sua ideologia, sua relação com a URSS etc, mas ignorou a importância das imagens difundidas pela imprensa partidária, aspecto fundamental da propaganda: principalmente em um país com altos índices de analfabetismo. Esta pesquisa pretende estudar a trajetória do PCB por meio da análise dos desenhos, caricaturas, charges e ilustrações presentes na imprensa comunista. As transformações, características, omissões e referências da iconografia comunista formam uma verdadeira história ilustrada do partido e contribuem para o estudo de novos problemas e perspectivas da história do PCB. A periodização enfatiza o momento de maior crescimento da legenda, da redemocratização de 1945 até o golpe de 1964, que desmantelou a estrutura partidária, condenou ao exílio parte dos militantes e torturou milhares de comunistas. / Historiography researched the PCB from its militancy, its electoral performance, its ideology, its relationship with the USSR, etc. However, ignored the importance of the images published by the party press, a key aspect of propaganda: especially in a country with high illiteracy rates. This research aims to study the trajectory of the PCB through the analysis of drawings, caricatures, cartoons and illustrations present in the communist press. The changes, features, omissions and references of this communist iconography form a true \"illustrated\" history of the party and contribute to the study of new problems and perspectives of the history of PCB. The periodization emphasizes the moment of greatest growth of the legend, the democratization of 1945 until the coup of 1964, which dismantled the party structure, ordered the exile of the militants and tortured thousands of communists.

This thesis constitutes the first full-length study of Polish Communists in Canada, a group that provided a substantial segment of the countries socialist left in the early 20th century. It traces the roots of socialist support in Poland, its transplantation to Canada, the challenges it faced within an ethnic community heavily influenced by Catholicism, the complications caused by its links to the Comintern, and its changing strength and decline. It offers a deeper understanding of the ways in which the Communist party was able to appeal to certain ethnic groups, such as through cultural outreach, as well as its complicated and often arguably counter-productive relationship with the Comintern. It also furnishes important information on the efforts of the RCMP and Polish consulates to maintain control over the communists, as well as how generally improved material conditions among Poles, especially following the Second World War, along with the influence of the Cold War, accounted for a rapid decline in support. The thesis is primarily based on sources generated by the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs or, more precisely, by the Polish consulates in Winnipeg, Montreal and Ottawa. One the Canadian side, the thesis took advantage of RCMP records, Canadian security bulletins, immigration records and Polish-language newspapers printed in Canada. By utilizing these sources, this study not only analyses the interaction of the Polish Canadian communist movement with other segments of the Polish community in Canada, but it also moves beyond the introverted approach that has characterized most studies of ethnic organizations in Canada by placing the movement within a “Canadian” context to analyze its relations with the government, broader segments of Canadian society, and the Communist Party of Canada (CPC).

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

“Trečio fronto” žurnalas (1930-1931 m.) ir jo leidėjų grupė yra susilaukusi plataus literatūrologų ir istorikų dėmesio. Visgi, galimos naujos tyrimų perspektyvos, leidžiančios sukonstruoti platesnį šios grupės veiklos kontekstą bei įvesti naujus personažus – aktorius ir menininkus. Dėl to pats reiškinys įvardijamas kaip revoliucinės kultūros eksperimentas, netolygiai vystęsis tarp 1927 ir 1935 m. Tyrimo objektu tapo apie dvidešimt herojų. Jų biogramų lyginamoji rekonstrukcija atskleidė išskirtinę draugystės ryšių įtaką politinių-socialinių pažiūrų tapsmui bei viešajai veiklai. Dauguma šios grupės narių mėgino tapti komunistų pakeleiviais. Lietuvos komunistų partijos vadovybė Maskvoje ir Lietuvoje nesutarė kaip vertinti šį šliejimąsi. Visgi nulėmė neigiamos nuostatos ir šliejimosi pastangos buvo sužlugdytos. Šis aspektas esamoje istoriografijoje nebuvo iki šiol atskleistas. Mažuma analizuojamos grupės aktyvistų tapo nemarksistinio socializmo šalininkais, o jų išskirtinai sunki veikla buvo paženklinta emigracijos ir kalėjimo bausmių. Egzistuojanti istoriografija pabrėžia trečiafrontininkų komunistinio pakeleiviavimo aspektą, bet šiame tyrime analizuojamų personažų atžvilgiu laikomasi platesnės kairėjimo perspektyvos. Taigi, iki šiol tyrinėtojų nepanaudotos archyvinės medžiagos gausa leido papildyti trečiafrontininkų istorijas naujais faktais, įvesti naujų personažų, išplėsti kontekstus bei siūlyti naujus jų veiklos vertinimus. / The “Trečias frontas” journal (1930-1931) and its group have a wide historiographical layer. Nevertheless, there is a possibility to recreate wider context of the group’s activities and analyse this in the connection with activities of some artists and theatre actors. Therefore, this phenomenon could be named as the “experiment of revolutionary culture” and dated between 1927 and 1935. About twenty persons became the object of this research. Reconstruction of group members’ biographies in comparative mode reveals close personal ties and communication networks which affected political-social visions and were the core of complex public activities. Majority of the group members’ tried to become communist fellow-travellers. The corpus of Lithuanian Communist party leadership has had diverse attitudes towards these attempts and that initiated internal conflicts. Nevertheless, prevailed negative position and attempts failed. Minority of these revolutionary culture sympathizers became nonmarxist socialism supporters and their activities were especially difficult because of emigration and imprisonments. Existing historiography emphasizes these group members’ connections with communists. The perspective of this research is more about the difficult path of going left. Untapped archival material and its abundance enabled to enrich the existing historical narrative with new facts, characters, wider contexts, different perspectives and fresh analysis of their activities.

The “Trečias frontas” journal (1930-1931) and its group have a wide historiographical layer. Nevertheless, there is a possibility to recreate wider context of the group’s activities and analyse this in the connection with activities of some artists and theatre actors. Therefore, this phenomenon could be named as the “experiment of revolutionary culture” and dated between 1927 and 1935. About twenty persons became the object of this research. Reconstruction of group members’ biographies in comparative mode reveals close personal ties and communication networks which affected political-social visions and were the core of complex public activities. Majority of the group members’ tried to become communist fellow-travellers. The corpus of Lithuanian Communist party leadership has had diverse attitudes towards these attempts and that initiated internal conflicts. Nevertheless, prevailed negative position and attempts failed. Minority of these revolutionary culture sympathizers became nonmarxist socialism supporters and their activities were especially difficult because of emigration and imprisonments. Existing historiography emphasizes these group members’ connections with communists. The perspective of this research is more about the difficult path of going left. Untapped archival material and its abundance enabled to enrich the existing historical narrative with new facts, characters, wider contexts, different perspectives and fresh analysis of their activities. / “Trečio fronto” žurnalas (1930-1931 m.) ir jo leidėjų grupė yra susilaukusi plataus literatūrologų ir istorikų dėmesio. Visgi, galimos naujos tyrimų perspektyvos, leidžiančios sukonstruoti platesnį šios grupės veiklos kontekstą bei įvesti naujus personažus – aktorius ir menininkus. Dėl to pats reiškinys įvardijamas kaip revoliucinės kultūros eksperimentas, netolygiai vystęsis tarp 1927 ir 1935 m. Tyrimo objektu tapo apie dvidešimt herojų. Jų biogramų lyginamoji rekonstrukcija atskleidė išskirtinę draugystės ryšių įtaką politinių-socialinių pažiūrų tapsmui bei viešajai veiklai. Dauguma šios grupės narių mėgino tapti komunistų pakeleiviais. Lietuvos komunistų partijos vadovybė Maskvoje ir Lietuvoje nesutarė kaip vertinti šį šliejimąsi. Visgi nulėmė neigiamos nuostatos ir šliejimosi pastangos buvo sužlugdytos. Šis aspektas esamoje istoriografijoje nebuvo iki šiol atskleistas. Mažuma analizuojamos grupės aktyvistų tapo nemarksistinio socializmo šalininkais, o jų išskirtinai sunki veikla buvo paženklinta emigracijos ir kalėjimo bausmių. Egzistuojanti istoriografija pabrėžia trečiafrontininkų komunistinio pakeleiviavimo aspektą, bet šiame tyrime analizuojamų personažų atžvilgiu laikomasi platesnės kairėjimo perspektyvos. Taigi, iki šiol tyrinėtojų nepanaudotos archyvinės medžiagos gausa leido papildyti trečiafrontininkų istorijas naujais faktais, įvesti naujų personažų, išplėsti kontekstus bei siūlyti naujus jų veiklos vertinimus.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1974. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 361-383).

Cette thèse est une étude de la production des prises de position partisanes sur l'intégration européenne. Elle entend rompre avec la logique classificatoire privilégiée dans les travaux sur « l'euroscepticisme ». Pour ce faire, elle adopte une approche relationnelle de la compétition politique attentive aux contextes international, interpartisan et intrapartisan. A partir de ce cas particulier qu'est le Parti communiste français, il s'agit de restituer l'émergence progressive d'une catégorie « Europe » associée à la construction européenne, et la manière avec laquelle le problème communautaire et les enjeux afférents ont été construits, les grilles de lecture à travers lesquels ils ont été interprétés. Ainsi, elle interroge à nouveaux frais les changements occasionnés par l'intégration européenne sur les espaces nationaux en montrant des dynamiques de spécialisation et l'éclosion d'un personnel politique spécifiquement en charge de ces questions au sein d'un parti politique pourtant souvent classé parmi les partis hostiles ou critiques envers le processus d'intégration européenne. Par ce biais, elle met aussi en évidence les recompositions plus générales dont ce parti politique est l'objet. / This thesis is a study of the production of party positions about the European integration. It stands out from the classificatory approach of the research on « euroscepticism». It takes a relational approach of the political competition which takes account of the international context, external and internal party politics. By examining a specific case, the French Communist Party, it observes the progressive emergence of a category « Europe » which ties into the building of Europe, and the modalities of the construction of a EC/EU problem and political issues. It revisits the question of the changes caused by the European integration on the national spaces. It highlights process of specialization and the advent of a political staff in charge of these questions within a political party which is frequently classified as hostile towards European integration process. It brings to light the large recompositions affecting this political party.