Does community archaeology work? Worldwide over the last decade, there has been a boom in projects utilising the popular phrase ‘community archaeology’. These projects take many different forms, stretching from the public-face of research and developer-funded programmes to projects run by museums, archaeological units, universities and archaeological societies. Many of these projects are driven by the desire for archaeology to meet a range of perceived educational and social values in bringing about knowledge and awareness of the past in the present. They are also motivated by the desire to secure adequate funding for archaeological research. However, appropriate criteria and methodologies for evaluating the effectiveness of these projects have yet to be designed. This thesis sets out a methodology based on self-reflexivity and ethnology. It focuses on community excavations, in a range of contexts both in the UK and US. It assesses the values these projects produce for communities and evaluates what community archaeology actually does. It concludes that community archaeology frequently fails to balance the desired outcomes of its stakeholders. It suffers from its short-term funding and, therefore, often lacks sustainability, which hampers its ability to produce and maintain values. Evaluation of projects should be qualitative as well as quantitative in establishing the cost effectiveness of projects. Subsequently, recommendations are made for future community archaeology project designs.

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This dissertation considers the contemporary place of history in the Canadian territory of Nunavut. The political evolution of Nunavut has led to a situation in which incoming archaeology projects must justify their research according to standards of benefit and relevance to Inuit people. Archaeology is desired to function within a framework of "Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit"—more popularly known as IQ, or Inuit traditional knowledge—so as to foster the survival of Inuit culture and traditions in the modern world. As a result of this mandate, Arctic archaeology has been forced to re-position its research in relation to community engagement, social and political landscapes, and Inuit production of historical meaning. Through a series of interviews and ethnographic case studies in the Nunavut municipality of Cambridge Bay, this research asks how the application of a community-based approach can help archaeologists and Inuit create a hybridized, or "parallel", form of archaeological engagement that furthers community wellness and the creation of more nuanced history-based identities. I argue that by shifting the practice of archaeology into local frameworks of experience and learning, resulting research can create new archaeological awareness regarding the nature of Nunavummiut memory and community, while at the same time meeting territorial desires for historical investigation to be conducted in a manner both inspired by, and compatible with, concepts of Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit.

This dissertation considers the contemporary place of history in the Canadian territory of Nunavut. The political evolution of Nunavut has led to a situation in which incoming archaeology projects must justify their research according to standards of benefit and relevance to Inuit people. Archaeology is desired to function within a framework of "Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit"—more popularly known as IQ, or Inuit traditional knowledge—so as to foster the survival of Inuit culture and traditions in the modern world. As a result of this mandate, Arctic archaeology has been forced to re-position its research in relation to community engagement, social and political landscapes, and Inuit production of historical meaning. Through a series of interviews and ethnographic case studies in the Nunavut municipality of Cambridge Bay, this research asks how the application of a community-based approach can help archaeologists and Inuit create a hybridized, or "parallel", form of archaeological engagement that furthers community wellness and the creation of more nuanced history-based identities. I argue that by shifting the practice of archaeology into local frameworks of experience and learning, resulting research can create new archaeological awareness regarding the nature of Nunavummiut memory and community, while at the same time meeting territorial desires for historical investigation to be conducted in a manner both inspired by, and compatible with, concepts of Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit.

This thesis examines four different public archaeology projects in South Africa, and poses questions related to how archaeology is defined and mediated by educational centres and museums in South Africa. The museums have a rather traditional way of mediating archaeological knowledge to a broader public, but they do include exhibitions that invite visitors to interpret human history themselves. The educational centres, on the other hand, are considered to be a category below the traditional museum, where the content is developed in collaboration with indigenous people, and the knowledge about former peoples is mediated by the indigenous people themselves, as part of an objective to develop employment opportunities for marginalised community groups. While educational centres have developed out of this collaboration with indigenous communities, mueseums were established during the colonial period of South Africa. The educational centres are a collaboration between  experts and non-experts, and have an inclusive approach. Museums, in contrast, develop their content based on the experts´knowledge, for the visitor and not with the visitor. However, it is evident that visitors are intended to have a dialogue with the exhibition. An inclusive approach is preferble, where experts and non-experts are on the same level, show mutual respect for each other, and are open to learning from each other. A significant issue that public archaeologists face is that each public project is unique. This means that new methods and ideas are needed for each project. Four different projects have been visited and examined, and it was found that all four projects were unique in terms of the issues that they faced and in terms of how the professionals solve those problems in specific ways adapted to each unigue project. On the one hand, the question of what a successful public project is or can be remains, but on the other hand, it is clear that a well-established collaboration and an understanding for each other is needed to develop a successful public work. In South African terms a succssesful public work could be termed "Ubuntu archaeology", where the word "Ubuntu" is interpretes as Desmond Tutu put it in 1994, where both parties experience each other as equal.

Community archaeology's broader objectives include increasing public understanding of archaeology and making archaeology more relevant to people's day to day lives. Fulfilling these goals could be beneficial to the public in terms of their gaining more agency in, and more access to, archaeology; and it could be beneficial to archaeologists in terms of increasing public support for archaeological work. While many community archaeologists report success, few authors critically evaluate the experience and outcomes of community archaeology. As a result, little data-based understanding exists about what is gained through community archaeology. This project explores that question through three primary means: 1) a community archaeology field research project on Sauvie Island in Portland, Oregon, in which I interview public (n=16) and professional (n=6) participants before and after their involvement in fieldwork, 2) interviews with local professional archaeologists (n=15) from various backgrounds, and 3) a broad baseline face-to-face survey of the Portland area public (n=254). The latter two data collection methods provide supporting and comparative information intended to add layers of meaning to the analysis of the Sauvie Island field project participants' thoughts, feelings, and experiences related to the field project. My results show that the majority of the non-archaeologist public have positive and often enthusiastic attitudes towards archaeology. These attitudes remain or are reinforced through participation in community archaeology. This trend appears to exist irrespective of partial public understandings of archaeology, wherein many members of the public are aware of real aspects of archaeology, but simultaneously express inaccurate perceptions of the nature of archaeology. Archaeologists demonstrate misunderstandings of the public, particularly in terms of public participation in community archaeology leading to the destruction of sites or the breakdown of scientific rigor. These fears often lack data-based or experiential support, and are less present in archaeologists with more experience working with the public. Generally, archaeologists enjoy interaction with the public in participatory contexts, and see various benefits to public involvement. My research shows that tying archaeology to present day life, to intimate technical details of the archaeological fieldwork experience, and to engagement with the natural landscape, are crucial aspects of increasing archaeology's relevance to the public. Despite misunderstandings on both sides, mutually beneficial public/professional involvement in community archaeology is possible.

Yes / Alternative forms of information dissemination have always been a crucial part of many radical forms of activism and organization. Arguably the most famous is the ‘zine - popularized in the punk/anarchist subculture of the 1980’s and 90’s, ‘zines were the antithesis of mainstream magazines, journals, and periodicals. They were an extension of the D.I.Y. (do-it-yourself) attitude that flourished within the subculture, reflecting a more informal and individualistic approach to the dissemination of information and ideas without the rigid formalities of mainstream literature. With the emergence of a new countercultural led by millennials, ‘zines have once again found popularity, taking advantage of the Internet to spread information even further than before through digital means. Although all ‘zines are different due to the individualistic and free nature of the format, most are often educational texts that also incorporate other forms of writing and media to help engage its audience with its content in a more exciting and entertaining way. Unfortunately, it appears that ‘zines have yet to find a foothold in academia as they have in social justice and activist groups – this is a shame, as there is a wealth of possibilities for the application of a ‘zine format for the dissemination of information to non-specialist audiences. This paper explores the idea of utilizing ‘zines as an alternative approach to public outreach in archaeology. This will include documenting and reflecting on the current progress of a ‘zine being developed by myself and other archaeologists about anarchist approaches to archaeological theory and practice. I will examine how practical it is to adopt this method for outreach, compare it to the more "traditional" methods of dissemination (journals, conferences, etc.), and reflect on my personal experiences with creating an archaeological 'zine of my own.

This essay is focused on the questions of and responsibility for where, when, how and why communication and meetings through archaeology should take place. I have critically studied Swedish public archaeology through three diverse archaeological excava­tions, one took place in the end of the 1980s, and two others in 2012. I have asked for under what circum­stances and with which goals the public efforts become possible. I have inter­viewed leaders for the archaeological excavations and/or the public efforts and questi­o­ned how and why they reached out to the public. I also searched for results and effects in order to problematize and value the public activities. Through interpretation of the resear­ched material it becomes clear that economic issues as well as archaeo­logists interests and engagements are of vital importance for public archaeology. Co-operation in the local community and archaeological documentation is crucial for the deve­lopment of archaeology and its role in society. Keywords: Public archaeology, Community archaeology, Heritage, Communication, Manage­ment, Historic environment education, Time Travel, Living history / I denna uppsats ligger fokus på frågor som berör ansvaret för var, när, hur och varför kommunikation och möten genom arkeologin ska utföras. Med ett kritiskt förhållningssätt har jag studerat svensk publik arkeologi genom tre skilda arkeologiska utgrävningar, en utfördes i slutet på 1980-talet, och två andra år 2012. Jag har undersökt under vilka förutsättningar och med vilka mål de publika insatserna blivit möjliga. Jag har intervjuat ledare för de arkeologiska utgrävningarna och/eller publika insatserna och ställt frågor om hur och varför den publika arkeologin nått ut. Jag har även sökt efter resultat och effekter i syfte att problematisera och värdera den publika verksamheten. Genom min analys av det utforskade materialet står det klart att ekonomi så väl som arkeologers intresse och engagemang är avgörande för publik arkeologi. Samarbeten inom det lokala samhället och arkeologisk dokumentation är ytterst viktigt för utvecklingen av arkeologin och dess roll i samhället.

This study integrates settlement and community archaeology in investigating pre-colonial Stó:lō-Coast Salish community organization between 2,550-100 years before present (cal B.P.). Archaeological housepits provide a basic unit of analysis and proxy for households through which community organization manifests in relationships of form and arrangement among housepit settlements in the lower Fraser River Watershed of southwestern British Columbia. This study focuses on spatial and temporal data from 11 housepit settlements (114 housepits) in the upriver portion of the broader study area (mainland Gulf of Georgia Region). These settlements were mapped and tested as part of the Fraser Valley Archaeology Project (2003-2006). The findings of this study suggest a trajectory of continuity and change in community organization among the Stó:lō-Coast Salish over the 2,500 years preceding European colonization. Shifts between heterarchical and hierarchical forms of social organization, and corporate to network modes of relations represent societal transformations that become expressed by about 550 cal B.P. Transformations of social structure and community organization are manifest as increasing variation in housepit sizes and settlement patterns, and the development of central arrangements in both intra- and inter-settlement patterns. In the Late Period (ca. 550-100 cal. B.P.), the largest and most complex settlements in the region, including the largest housepits, develop on islands and at central places or hubs in the region’s communication system along the Fraser River. These complex sets of household relations within and between settlements represent an expansive form of community organization. Tracing this progression provides insight into the process of change among Stó:lō pithouse communities. Societal change develops as a shift expressed first at a broad-based collective level between settlements, and then at a more discreet individual level between households. This process speaks to the development of communities formed within a complex political-economic system widely practiced throughout the region. This pattern survived the smallpox epidemic of the late 18th century and was maintained by the Stó:lō up to the Colonial Era. Administration of British assimilation policies (e.g., Indian Legislation) instituted after 1858 effectively disrupted but failed to completely replace deeply rooted expressions of Stó:lō community that developed during preceding millennia.

This study integrates settlement and community archaeology in investigating pre-colonial Stó:lō-Coast Salish community organization between 2,550-100 years before present (cal B.P.). Archaeological housepits provide a basic unit of analysis and proxy for households through which community organization manifests in relationships of form and arrangement among housepit settlements in the lower Fraser River Watershed of southwestern British Columbia. This study focuses on spatial and temporal data from 11 housepit settlements (114 housepits) in the upriver portion of the broader study area (mainland Gulf of Georgia Region). These settlements were mapped and tested as part of the Fraser Valley Archaeology Project (2003-2006). The findings of this study suggest a trajectory of continuity and change in community organization among the Stó:lō-Coast Salish over the 2,500 years preceding European colonization. Shifts between heterarchical and hierarchical forms of social organization, and corporate to network modes of relations represent societal transformations that become expressed by about 550 cal B.P. Transformations of social structure and community organization are manifest as increasing variation in housepit sizes and settlement patterns, and the development of central arrangements in both intra- and inter-settlement patterns. In the Late Period (ca. 550-100 cal. B.P.), the largest and most complex settlements in the region, including the largest housepits, develop on islands and at central places or hubs in the region’s communication system along the Fraser River. These complex sets of household relations within and between settlements represent an expansive form of community organization. Tracing this progression provides insight into the process of change among Stó:lō pithouse communities. Societal change develops as a shift expressed first at a broad-based collective level between settlements, and then at a more discreet individual level between households. This process speaks to the development of communities formed within a complex political-economic system widely practiced throughout the region. This pattern survived the smallpox epidemic of the late 18th century and was maintained by the Stó:lō up to the Colonial Era. Administration of British assimilation policies (e.g., Indian Legislation) instituted after 1858 effectively disrupted but failed to completely replace deeply rooted expressions of Stó:lō community that developed during preceding millennia.