<p>In most developing countries, forest resources are a major source of livelihood for forest dwellers. Forests provide fuel wood, farm products, meat, timber and plants of high medicinal value, including Prunus africana. The collection of medicinal plants is also an important source of cash income for some forest communities, and widely relied on to cure illnesses (Poffenberger, 1993). Because of this, the poor forest dwellers in particular are forced to exert pressure on their surrounding environment to make ends meet. Indiscriminate exploitation of forest resources has cost some forest dwellers dearly as they are now experiencing marked reduction of wildlife, forest cover, soil fertility and most importantly water supply, which is a key to life. Prunus africana has a very high economic and medicinal value locally as well as internationally. The exploitation of this species is a very profitable activity in most parts of Africa where it occurs, including the Mount Cameroon region. In recent years, most youths and young men in the Mount Cameroon region have seemingly become less interested in their usual income generating activities (farming, hunting, etc.) because of reduced productivity and have taken up Prunus harvesting as their major source of income. Increase in demand for this species by the French pharmaceutical company (Plantecam), weak institutional capacity to control exploitation, uncontrolled access into the forest, scramble for diminished stock by legal and illegal exploiters, destruction of wild stock by unsustainable practices, and insufficient regeneration of the species in the past have almost driven this species to extinction in certain parts of Cameroon and made it severely threatened in others. Prunus africana is presently threatened with extinction in the entire Mount Cameroon region. In response to this, the Mount Cameroon Project (MCP) and the Ministry of Environment and Forests (MINEF) helped some communities (Bokwoango and Mapanja) in the Mount Cameroon region to form Prunus africana harvesters’ unions with the aim of preserving the resource and improving the socio-economic benefits. The principal aim of the Bokwoango Prunus africana harvesters’ union is to ensure sustainable exploitation of Prunus africana while saving money for important development projects for individual members, their families and the entire community. This piece of work highlights the different facets of Prunus africana management in Cameroon in general and the Bokwoango community in particular. The study examines the socio-economic impact of Prunus africana management in the Bokwoango community and shows specifically the management role played by the Bokwoango Prunus africana harvesters’ union to reduce the rate of exploitation of Prunus africana and also to ensure benefit sharing of the earnings from sales of Prunus bark. It at the same time brings out the constraints encountered by harvesters as well as the opportunities that can make the union become more viable to the socio-economic development of the Bokwoango community. Results of this study show that for the short period that the Bokwoango Prunus africana harvesters’ union has existed, the socio-economic changes in this community are encouraging if one compares the present situation with that before the formation of the union. Most importantly, there has been increased awareness on the great need to conserve not only the threatened Prunus africana species but also other threatened plant and animal species in the region through sustainable hunting, harvesting and regeneration. Some proposals are made for efficient natural resource management and improvements on livelihood through alternative income generating activities. The study ends with recommendations for policy and institutional reforms as well as suggestions for further research in sustainable management of Prunus africana.</p>

Die vorliegende Arbeit „Partizipative Prozesse in stadtnahen Waldlandschaften am Beispiel von Kommunalwäldern in Deutschland“ setzt sich mit der Anwendung partizipativer Verfahren bei der Entscheidungsvorbereitung, -findung und -umsetzung in kommunalen Forstbetrieben in Deutschland auseinander. Die Partizipation von externen Gruppen oder Individuen an Entscheidungen wird als mehrstufiger Prozess hinsichtlich ihrer Anwendung in ausgewählten Kommunalwäldern analysiert. Auf kommunaler Ebene stellen politische Wahlen das klassische Beteiligungsangebot an die Gemeindebürger dar und bilden die Grundlage für die Entscheidungsfindung. Neben dieser Art der gesetzlich verankerten Beteiligungsverfahren rücken in der gesellschaftlichen und wissenschaftlichen Diskussion nicht-institutionalisierte Beteiligungsverfahren der kooperativen Demokratie mehr und mehr in den Fokus. Es ergeben sich die grundlegenden Fragen: (1) Wo, wann, wie und in welchem Umfang werden in Deutschland im Kommunalwald partizipative Prozesse durchgeführt? (2) Wie können Partizipationsprozesse im Kommunalwald charakterisiert werden? (3) Welche Intention wird mit dem Einsatz partizipativer Prozesse im Kommunalwald verfolgt? (4) Welche Rahmenbedingungen sind für die Durchführung partizipativer Prozesse im Kommunalwald notwendig? (5) In welchen Situationen sind partizipative Prozesse alternative Methoden zur klassischen Entscheidungsfindung im stadtnahen Wald? (6) Auf welche Art, mit welchem Organisationsgrad und welcher Intensität lassen sich partizipative Ansätze in bestehende Kommunalverwaltungsstrukturen integrieren? Die Untersuchung erfolgt anhand einer qualitativen, explorativen Studie von 13 deutschen Gemeinden in Sachsen, Nordrhein-Westfalen, Berlin-Brandenburg, Schleswig-Holstein und Baden-Württemberg unterschiedlicher Einwohnerzahlen, Waldbesitzgrößen und Organisationsformen. / Political elections represent the conventional form of public participation at the municipal level and create the foundations for decision making. In addition to these legally anchored forms of public participation, non-institutionalised forms of participation stemming from cooperative democracy are increasingly becoming the focus of scientific and social discourse. The research presented herein focused on community forestry in Germany and represented an attempt to find answers to six questions. (1) How are citizen participation methods currently used? (2) How can participation processes be characterised? (3) What is the intention behind Tit? (4) What framework is required for utilisation? (5) In which situations is participation an alternative method to top-down decision making? (6) In which mode and at what level of organisation and intensity can participatory approaches be integrated in communal administration structures? A qualitative, explorative study of participative processes employed in developing urban and peri-urban forest landscapes was designed

農林水産研究情報センターで作成したPDFファイルを使用している。

Community forestry is an evolving approach to forest management, shown to maintain forest cover, while generating income for local communities. In Sierra Norte (SN), a region with no public protected areas, indigenous communities have been actively conserving their forests for decades, through conservation zoning and careful management of their logging areas. This study found that across 22 communities in SN, an estimated 2,949,116.50 m3 of timber were produced from 1993 to 2013, while the region maintains 78% forest cover. About 75% of the forest is under some form of community conservation. Community governance plays a major role, as rules and regulations regarding use, access, and conservation of communal lands are established and enforced by community members. The findings of this study support arguments that advocate for community forest management, as forest communities prove to maintain forest cover and decrease degradation, thus reducing greenhouse gas emissions and enhancing forest carbon stocks.

Community forestry has become a prominent policy instrument over the past decades as a response to deforestation pressures and rural poverty. Its political implementation involves a complex process with a profound structural change - away from state-based forestry to locally based decision-making authority. The research analyzes the internal development among policy actors in order to understand how community forestry can emerge in a regional policy system. It explores three different case studies with distinct policy processes towards community forestry: an international development project (Ecuador: Esmeraldas), a grassroot environmental movement (Canada: British Columbia), and an institutional restructuring process (Mexico: Quintana Roo). The theoretical approach is based on the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF). The ACF views policy change as a result of competing advocacy coalitions which act according to their policy beliefs. Policy change can be affected by internal changes (policy learning and changes of beliefs) or by external perturbations which affect the power constellation between the coalitions. Each policy process is analyzed over more than a decade, based on empirical data from semi-structured interviews with key actors and complemented by literature. The major actors and coalitions are identified, as well as their learning and changes of beliefs over time to understand their influence on the policy process. In summary, the research found that policy learning has a high importance for the internal development of community forestry policy, while often hidden behind the strong presence of an external perturbation. Although not as a singular force, policy learning has been shown to have a very potent role in enhancing, or sustaining, policy changes. Policy learning can have a stabilizing effect against adverse events, once the implementation process has started (Mexico). Policy learning can even generate the major momentum of change that unfolds when released by an external catalyst event (Canada). It can also, however, have a very limited influence, if not form an internal challenge to the implementation (Ecuador). It has been found that a change of policy beliefs is not a requirement for policy change in the early stages of community forestry, and cannot be indicated by visible changes in the policy network or local forestry arrangements. These might concern other adjustments of the actors to the changes, which do not reflect their substantial policy beliefs. The changes of policy beliefs in the three case studies show some similar patterns in the way the Community Forestry Coalition developed their policy goals over time, as well as in the way the State Forestry Coalition adjusted strategically to the new impact of the CFC on the network. The research discusses three distinct strategic approaches of the coalitions and their varying success.

Die vorliegende Arbeit „Partizipative Prozesse in stadtnahen Waldlandschaften am Beispiel von Kommunalwäldern in Deutschland“ setzt sich mit der Anwendung partizipativer Verfahren bei der Entscheidungsvorbereitung, -findung und -umsetzung in kommunalen Forstbetrieben in Deutschland auseinander. Die Partizipation von externen Gruppen oder Individuen an Entscheidungen wird als mehrstufiger Prozess hinsichtlich ihrer Anwendung in ausgewählten Kommunalwäldern analysiert. Auf kommunaler Ebene stellen politische Wahlen das klassische Beteiligungsangebot an die Gemeindebürger dar und bilden die Grundlage für die Entscheidungsfindung. Neben dieser Art der gesetzlich verankerten Beteiligungsverfahren rücken in der gesellschaftlichen und wissenschaftlichen Diskussion nicht-institutionalisierte Beteiligungsverfahren der kooperativen Demokratie mehr und mehr in den Fokus. Es ergeben sich die grundlegenden Fragen: (1) Wo, wann, wie und in welchem Umfang werden in Deutschland im Kommunalwald partizipative Prozesse durchgeführt? (2) Wie können Partizipationsprozesse im Kommunalwald charakterisiert werden? (3) Welche Intention wird mit dem Einsatz partizipativer Prozesse im Kommunalwald verfolgt? (4) Welche Rahmenbedingungen sind für die Durchführung partizipativer Prozesse im Kommunalwald notwendig? (5) In welchen Situationen sind partizipative Prozesse alternative Methoden zur klassischen Entscheidungsfindung im stadtnahen Wald? (6) Auf welche Art, mit welchem Organisationsgrad und welcher Intensität lassen sich partizipative Ansätze in bestehende Kommunalverwaltungsstrukturen integrieren? Die Untersuchung erfolgt anhand einer qualitativen, explorativen Studie von 13 deutschen Gemeinden in Sachsen, Nordrhein-Westfalen, Berlin-Brandenburg, Schleswig-Holstein und Baden-Württemberg unterschiedlicher Einwohnerzahlen, Waldbesitzgrößen und Organisationsformen.:Danksagung II Inhaltsverzeichnis III Abbildungsverzeichnis VI Tabellenverzeichnis VIII Abkürzungsverzeichnis IX Abstract XI Participatory processes in peri-urban forest landscapes illustrated using the example of community forests in Germany XI 1 Thematische Einordnung, Problemstellung und Zielsetzung 1 1.1 Problemstellung und Zielsetzung der Forschungsarbeit 1 1.2 Stand der Forschung 5 1.3 Forschungsdesign 9 1.4 Aufbau der Arbeit 11 1.5 Untersuchungsgegenstand 12 1.5.1 Begriffsabgrenzung 12 1.5.2 Zuständigkeiten, Besitz- und Organisationsformen im Kommunalwald in Deutschland 16 2 Theoretischer Bezugsrahmen 20 2.1 Partizipationsprozesse 20 2.1.1 Partizipatorische Demokratietheorien 20 2.1.2 Begriffskonzepte 23 2.1.3 Partizipationsmodelle 27 2.1.4 Partizipationsprozesse im kommunalen Kontext 32 2.1.5 Möglichkeiten und Grenzen partizipativer Entscheidungsprozesse 35 2.2 Urbane Wälder und urbane Forstwirtschaft 38 2.3 Kommunalwald in Deutschland 41 2.3.1 Kommunalpolitischer Hintergrund 41 2.3.2 Wald in der Kommunalpolitik 47 2.4 Urban (Forest) Governance 48 2.4.1 Urban Governance 48 2.4.2 Urban Forest Governance 52 3 Konkretisierung der Leitfragen in Form von Forschungsfragen / Erhebungsmodell 53 4 Methodisches Vorgehen 56 4.1 Methodologische Grundlagen 56 4.2 Empirische Erhebung 58 4.2.1 Übersicht über Methodenwahl und Auswertungsdesign 58 4.2.2 Experteninterviews 59 4.2.3 Entwicklung des Leitfadens 60 4.2.4 Auswahl der Fallbeispiele und Interviewpartner 62 4.2.5 Durchführung der Experteninterviews 67 4.3 Auswertung 67 4.3.1 Transkriptionspraxis 67 4.3.2 Auswertungsmethoden 68 4.3.3 Die Entwicklung des Kategoriensystems 72 4.3.4 Einsatz von QDA-Software / MaxQDA 75 5 Ergebnisse der empirischen Erhebung 77 5.1 Darstellung der Ergebnisse 77 5.1.1 Visualisierung des Gesprächsverlaufs – Interview Portraits 79 5.2 Komplex 1 / Informationen zur Institution und Kategorisierung der Fallbeispiele 80 5.3 Komplex 2 / Aktuelle Themenkomplexe und Problemfelder des Kommunalwalds 89 5.4 Komplex 3 / Entscheidungsfindung im Kommunalwald im System der repräsentativen Demokratie 91 5.4.1 Unterschiedliche Entscheidungsebenen und Beschreibungsdimensionen 91 5.4.2 Weg und Akteure der Entscheidungsfindung 93 5.5 Komplex 4 / Partizipation bei der Entscheidungsfindung im Kommunalwald 101 5.5.1 Durch Rechtssätze verankerte Beteiligungsverfahren mit Relevanz für die Entscheidungsfindung im Kommunalwald 101 5.5.2 Freiwillige Beteiligungsprozesse mit Relevanz für den Kommunalwald 103 5.5.3 Akteure der Partizipation 107 5.5.4 Rahmenbedingungen und Themenkomplexe für Partizipationsprozesse 110 5.5.5 Stellenwert von Partizipation 114 5.6 Komplex 5 / Verknüpfungen von Urban Governance Konzepten und Planungen im stadtnahen Wald 119 6 Diskussion der Leit- und Forschungsfragen 122 6.1 Diskussion Leitfrage 1: Wo, wann und in welchem Umfang werden in Deutschland im Kommunalwald partizipative Prozesse durchgeführt? 122 6.1.1 Wer ist an der Entscheidungsfindung im Kommunalwald im System der repräsentativen Demokratie beteiligt? 122 6.1.2 Welche Rolle spielen partizipative Prozesse zur Entscheidungsfindung im Kommunalwald? 124 6.1.3 Zu welchem Zeitpunkt im Policy-Zyklus wird durch Partizipationsprozesse auf den Kommunalwald Einfluss genommen? 126 6.1.4 In welchem Umfang werden Partizipationsprozesse durchgeführt? 128 6.1.5 Bestehen Unterschiede in Art und Ausmaß partizipativer Prozesse im Kommunalwald zwischen alten und neuen Bundesländern? 129 6.1.6 Unterschiede in Abhängigkeit von der Waldbesitzgröße 129 6.2 Diskussion Leitfrage 2: Wie können Partizipationsprozesse im Kommunalwald charakterisiert werden? 130 6.2.1 Welche Akteure werden im Kommunalwald zum aktuellen Zeitpunkt beteiligt? 130 6.2.2 In welchen Fällen fungiert der Bürger in Beteiligungsprozessen im Kommunalwald als Auftraggeber oder Mitgestalter? 133 6.2.3 Welchen Stufen sind Beteiligungsprozesse im Kommunalwald zuzuordnen? Existieren Prozesse auf Ebene der Mitgestaltung? 134 6.2.4 Welche der angewandten Verfahren können den kooperativen und welche den gesetzlich verankerten Beteiligungsformen zugeordnet werden? 136 6.2.5 Welche Themen werden im Kommunalwald partizipativ bearbeitet? 141 6.3 Diskussion Leitfrage 3: Welche Intention wird mit dem Einsatz partizipativer Prozesse im Kommunalwald verfolgt? 146 6.3.1 Welche Intention verfolgen die Entscheidungsträger mit dem Einsatz partizipativer Prozesse im Kommunalwald? 146 6.3.2 Wer initiiert Beteiligungsprozesse im Kommunalwald? 148 6.4 Welche Rahmenbedingungen sind für die Durchführung partizipativer Prozesse im Kommunalwald notwendig? 149 6.4.1 Können Erfolgsfaktoren und Hemmnisse von Partizipationsprozessen im Kommunalwald ausgeschieden werden? 149 6.4.2 Welche externen Rahmenbedingungen sind Voraussetzung für erfolgreiche partizipative Prozesse im Kommunalwald? Können externe und interne Rahmenbedingungen für Partizipationsprozesse im Kommunalwald unterschieden werden? 150 6.5 Auf welche Art, mit welchem Organisationsgrad und welcher Intensität lassen sich partizipative Ansätze in bestehende Kommunalverwaltungsstrukturen integrieren? 152 6.5.1 Handlungsstrategien der forstlichen Verwaltungsebene und der forstbetrieblichen Institutionen im Kommunalwald 152 6.5.2 Wird der Kommunalwald an Urban Governance Konzepten beteiligt? 157 6.6 Methodenkritik 160 7 Ausblick 164 8 Zusammenfassung 166 Literaturverzeichnis 169 Anhang 180 / Political elections represent the conventional form of public participation at the municipal level and create the foundations for decision making. In addition to these legally anchored forms of public participation, non-institutionalised forms of participation stemming from cooperative democracy are increasingly becoming the focus of scientific and social discourse. The research presented herein focused on community forestry in Germany and represented an attempt to find answers to six questions. (1) How are citizen participation methods currently used? (2) How can participation processes be characterised? (3) What is the intention behind Tit? (4) What framework is required for utilisation? (5) In which situations is participation an alternative method to top-down decision making? (6) In which mode and at what level of organisation and intensity can participatory approaches be integrated in communal administration structures? A qualitative, explorative study of participative processes employed in developing urban and peri-urban forest landscapes was designed:Danksagung II Inhaltsverzeichnis III Abbildungsverzeichnis VI Tabellenverzeichnis VIII Abkürzungsverzeichnis IX Abstract XI Participatory processes in peri-urban forest landscapes illustrated using the example of community forests in Germany XI 1 Thematische Einordnung, Problemstellung und Zielsetzung 1 1.1 Problemstellung und Zielsetzung der Forschungsarbeit 1 1.2 Stand der Forschung 5 1.3 Forschungsdesign 9 1.4 Aufbau der Arbeit 11 1.5 Untersuchungsgegenstand 12 1.5.1 Begriffsabgrenzung 12 1.5.2 Zuständigkeiten, Besitz- und Organisationsformen im Kommunalwald in Deutschland 16 2 Theoretischer Bezugsrahmen 20 2.1 Partizipationsprozesse 20 2.1.1 Partizipatorische Demokratietheorien 20 2.1.2 Begriffskonzepte 23 2.1.3 Partizipationsmodelle 27 2.1.4 Partizipationsprozesse im kommunalen Kontext 32 2.1.5 Möglichkeiten und Grenzen partizipativer Entscheidungsprozesse 35 2.2 Urbane Wälder und urbane Forstwirtschaft 38 2.3 Kommunalwald in Deutschland 41 2.3.1 Kommunalpolitischer Hintergrund 41 2.3.2 Wald in der Kommunalpolitik 47 2.4 Urban (Forest) Governance 48 2.4.1 Urban Governance 48 2.4.2 Urban Forest Governance 52 3 Konkretisierung der Leitfragen in Form von Forschungsfragen / Erhebungsmodell 53 4 Methodisches Vorgehen 56 4.1 Methodologische Grundlagen 56 4.2 Empirische Erhebung 58 4.2.1 Übersicht über Methodenwahl und Auswertungsdesign 58 4.2.2 Experteninterviews 59 4.2.3 Entwicklung des Leitfadens 60 4.2.4 Auswahl der Fallbeispiele und Interviewpartner 62 4.2.5 Durchführung der Experteninterviews 67 4.3 Auswertung 67 4.3.1 Transkriptionspraxis 67 4.3.2 Auswertungsmethoden 68 4.3.3 Die Entwicklung des Kategoriensystems 72 4.3.4 Einsatz von QDA-Software / MaxQDA 75 5 Ergebnisse der empirischen Erhebung 77 5.1 Darstellung der Ergebnisse 77 5.1.1 Visualisierung des Gesprächsverlaufs – Interview Portraits 79 5.2 Komplex 1 / Informationen zur Institution und Kategorisierung der Fallbeispiele 80 5.3 Komplex 2 / Aktuelle Themenkomplexe und Problemfelder des Kommunalwalds 89 5.4 Komplex 3 / Entscheidungsfindung im Kommunalwald im System der repräsentativen Demokratie 91 5.4.1 Unterschiedliche Entscheidungsebenen und Beschreibungsdimensionen 91 5.4.2 Weg und Akteure der Entscheidungsfindung 93 5.5 Komplex 4 / Partizipation bei der Entscheidungsfindung im Kommunalwald 101 5.5.1 Durch Rechtssätze verankerte Beteiligungsverfahren mit Relevanz für die Entscheidungsfindung im Kommunalwald 101 5.5.2 Freiwillige Beteiligungsprozesse mit Relevanz für den Kommunalwald 103 5.5.3 Akteure der Partizipation 107 5.5.4 Rahmenbedingungen und Themenkomplexe für Partizipationsprozesse 110 5.5.5 Stellenwert von Partizipation 114 5.6 Komplex 5 / Verknüpfungen von Urban Governance Konzepten und Planungen im stadtnahen Wald 119 6 Diskussion der Leit- und Forschungsfragen 122 6.1 Diskussion Leitfrage 1: Wo, wann und in welchem Umfang werden in Deutschland im Kommunalwald partizipative Prozesse durchgeführt? 122 6.1.1 Wer ist an der Entscheidungsfindung im Kommunalwald im System der repräsentativen Demokratie beteiligt? 122 6.1.2 Welche Rolle spielen partizipative Prozesse zur Entscheidungsfindung im Kommunalwald? 124 6.1.3 Zu welchem Zeitpunkt im Policy-Zyklus wird durch Partizipationsprozesse auf den Kommunalwald Einfluss genommen? 126 6.1.4 In welchem Umfang werden Partizipationsprozesse durchgeführt? 128 6.1.5 Bestehen Unterschiede in Art und Ausmaß partizipativer Prozesse im Kommunalwald zwischen alten und neuen Bundesländern? 129 6.1.6 Unterschiede in Abhängigkeit von der Waldbesitzgröße 129 6.2 Diskussion Leitfrage 2: Wie können Partizipationsprozesse im Kommunalwald charakterisiert werden? 130 6.2.1 Welche Akteure werden im Kommunalwald zum aktuellen Zeitpunkt beteiligt? 130 6.2.2 In welchen Fällen fungiert der Bürger in Beteiligungsprozessen im Kommunalwald als Auftraggeber oder Mitgestalter? 133 6.2.3 Welchen Stufen sind Beteiligungsprozesse im Kommunalwald zuzuordnen? Existieren Prozesse auf Ebene der Mitgestaltung? 134 6.2.4 Welche der angewandten Verfahren können den kooperativen und welche den gesetzlich verankerten Beteiligungsformen zugeordnet werden? 136 6.2.5 Welche Themen werden im Kommunalwald partizipativ bearbeitet? 141 6.3 Diskussion Leitfrage 3: Welche Intention wird mit dem Einsatz partizipativer Prozesse im Kommunalwald verfolgt? 146 6.3.1 Welche Intention verfolgen die Entscheidungsträger mit dem Einsatz partizipativer Prozesse im Kommunalwald? 146 6.3.2 Wer initiiert Beteiligungsprozesse im Kommunalwald? 148 6.4 Welche Rahmenbedingungen sind für die Durchführung partizipativer Prozesse im Kommunalwald notwendig? 149 6.4.1 Können Erfolgsfaktoren und Hemmnisse von Partizipationsprozessen im Kommunalwald ausgeschieden werden? 149 6.4.2 Welche externen Rahmenbedingungen sind Voraussetzung für erfolgreiche partizipative Prozesse im Kommunalwald? Können externe und interne Rahmenbedingungen für Partizipationsprozesse im Kommunalwald unterschieden werden? 150 6.5 Auf welche Art, mit welchem Organisationsgrad und welcher Intensität lassen sich partizipative Ansätze in bestehende Kommunalverwaltungsstrukturen integrieren? 152 6.5.1 Handlungsstrategien der forstlichen Verwaltungsebene und der forstbetrieblichen Institutionen im Kommunalwald 152 6.5.2 Wird der Kommunalwald an Urban Governance Konzepten beteiligt? 157 6.6 Methodenkritik 160 7 Ausblick 164 8 Zusammenfassung 166 Literaturverzeichnis 169 Anhang 180

In most developing countries, forest resources are a major source of livelihood for forest dwellers. Forests provide fuel wood, farm products, meat, timber and plants of high medicinal value, including Prunus africana. The collection of medicinal plants is also an important source of cash income for some forest communities, and widely relied on to cure illnesses (Poffenberger, 1993). Because of this, the poor forest dwellers in particular are forced to exert pressure on their surrounding environment to make ends meet. Indiscriminate exploitation of forest resources has cost some forest dwellers dearly as they are now experiencing marked reduction of wildlife, forest cover, soil fertility and most importantly water supply, which is a key to life. Prunus africana has a very high economic and medicinal value locally as well as internationally. The exploitation of this species is a very profitable activity in most parts of Africa where it occurs, including the Mount Cameroon region. In recent years, most youths and young men in the Mount Cameroon region have seemingly become less interested in their usual income generating activities (farming, hunting, etc.) because of reduced productivity and have taken up Prunus harvesting as their major source of income. Increase in demand for this species by the French pharmaceutical company (Plantecam), weak institutional capacity to control exploitation, uncontrolled access into the forest, scramble for diminished stock by legal and illegal exploiters, destruction of wild stock by unsustainable practices, and insufficient regeneration of the species in the past have almost driven this species to extinction in certain parts of Cameroon and made it severely threatened in others. Prunus africana is presently threatened with extinction in the entire Mount Cameroon region. In response to this, the Mount Cameroon Project (MCP) and the Ministry of Environment and Forests (MINEF) helped some communities (Bokwoango and Mapanja) in the Mount Cameroon region to form Prunus africana harvesters’ unions with the aim of preserving the resource and improving the socio-economic benefits. The principal aim of the Bokwoango Prunus africana harvesters’ union is to ensure sustainable exploitation of Prunus africana while saving money for important development projects for individual members, their families and the entire community. This piece of work highlights the different facets of Prunus africana management in Cameroon in general and the Bokwoango community in particular. The study examines the socio-economic impact of Prunus africana management in the Bokwoango community and shows specifically the management role played by the Bokwoango Prunus africana harvesters’ union to reduce the rate of exploitation of Prunus africana and also to ensure benefit sharing of the earnings from sales of Prunus bark. It at the same time brings out the constraints encountered by harvesters as well as the opportunities that can make the union become more viable to the socio-economic development of the Bokwoango community. Results of this study show that for the short period that the Bokwoango Prunus africana harvesters’ union has existed, the socio-economic changes in this community are encouraging if one compares the present situation with that before the formation of the union. Most importantly, there has been increased awareness on the great need to conserve not only the threatened Prunus africana species but also other threatened plant and animal species in the region through sustainable hunting, harvesting and regeneration. Some proposals are made for efficient natural resource management and improvements on livelihood through alternative income generating activities. The study ends with recommendations for policy and institutional reforms as well as suggestions for further research in sustainable management of Prunus africana.

La situation de la forêt tropicale dans les pays en développement en général, et en République Démocratique du Congo (RDC) en particulier, est inquiétante. Les émissions de dioxyde de carbone dues au déboisement sont de l’ordre de 1,6 GtCO2e/an, soit 17% des émissions mondiales de « gaz à effet de serre ». Sous l’égide de la Convention-cadre des Nations Unies sur les changements climatiques, le REDD+ a été institué pour lutter contre cette déforestation et la dégradation des forêts. Cette étude examine les différentes opportunités qu’offre ce programme pour l’aménagement écosystémique du couvert forestier de la RDC et les obstacles contextuels à sa mise en oeuvre. Pour la RDC, le REDD+ présente un certain nombre d’opportunités : réduction des émissions liées au déboisement et à la dégradation des forêts; amorce des travaux d’afforestation et de reforestation par une gestion durable des ressources conduisant à la création des emplois et favorisant la croissance des PIB et des exports; accroissement du rendement et maintien d’une plus grande couverture des besoins alimentaires. Le REDD+ peut favoriser la croissance du Produit intérieur brut agricole. Il peut contribuer à l’électrification des ménages et réduire de moitié les dépenses des ménages dépendant de l’exploitation minière et des hydrocarbures et, ainsi, générer des milliers d’emplois en infrastructures. Pour les populations locales et autochtones, il peut contribuer aussi à protéger et à valoriser les cultures liées à la forêt. Mais, face aux pesanteurs d’ordre juridique, politique, social, économique, technologique et culturel caractéristiques de ce pays, ces opportunités risquent d’être amenuisées, sinon annihilées. Étant donné que l’essentiel du déploiement du dispositif du REDD+ se réalisera dans les zones rurales congolaises, l’obstacle majeur reste le droit coutumier. La solution serait d’harmoniser les exigences et finalités du REDD+ non seulement avec le Code forestier de 2002 et ses mesures d’exécution mais aussi avec le droit coutumier auquel les communautés locales et autochtones s’identifient. / The situation of the rainforest in developing countries in general and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in particular is worrying. Emissions of carbon dioxide from deforestation are about 1.6 GtCO2e/an, or 17% of global emissions of "greenhouse gases". Under the auspices of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, REDD+ has been established to fight against the deforestation and degradation of forests. This study examines the different opportunities offered by the program for ecosystem-based management of forest cover in the DRC and contextual barriers to its implementation. For the DRC, REDD+ has a number of opportunities: reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation; work begins afforestation and reforestation for sustainable management of resources leading to job creation and promoting the growth of GDP and exports, increased yield and maintaining greater food needs. The REDD+ can promote the growth of the agricultural gross domestic product. It can contribute to the electrification of households and halve spending dependent on mining and oil and thus generate thousands of jobs in infrastructure. For local and indigenous communities, it can also help to protect and promote the cultures associated with the forest. But, faced with the burdens of legal, political, social, economic, technological and cultural characteristics of the country, these opportunities may be diminished, if not annihilated. Given that most of the deployment of the REDD+ will happen in Congolese rural areas, the major obstacle is the customary law. The solution would be to harmonize the requirements and objectives of REDD+ not only with the Forest Code of 2002 and its implementing rules but also with the customary law which local and indigenous communities identify.

Community-based forest management (CBFM) offers a better strategy for controlling forest resource degradation while at the same time benefiting local communities. With few exceptions, CBFM had been largely neglected in South Africa in the past. Lately, community forestry has, however, gained impetus through changes in the programs of the Department of Water and Forestry. Despite such efforts, a preliminary survey in some districts of KwaZulu-Natal showed that only a small proportion of households were participating in CBFM. The reason behind the lack of household participation could be that the objectives of most CBFM programs were not in line with the values rural communities attach to forest resources. Some authors have recommended that understanding the values households attach to forest resources is crucial for framing strategies on implementing CBFM. This study, therefore, investigates the values households in KwaSobabili, New Reserve B and Gudwini rural communities of KwaZulu-Natal, in aggregate, attach to forest resources and the factors influencing households to participate in CBFM. The social choice approach was used to measure the values households attach to forest resources. Hundred and fifty-one (151) household heads were asked to give scores of relative importance to 21 forest products and services on a 5-point Likert scale. Principal Component Analysis was used to generate composite indices or factors representing the values households attach to forest products and services. Ordinary Least Squares regression was then employed to determine the factors influencing such valuation of forests. The Multinomial Logit model was used to estimate the determinants of household position/status on participation in CBFM. The results showed that households in the three communities, on aggregate, overwhelmingly attach anthropocentric values to forest products and services. This was interpreted to be due to the high levels of household poverty that is rampant among many rural households of South Africa. However, in addition to the anthropocentric values, rural households also attach cultural/moral/spiritual and non-use/option values to forests. No differences existed across the three communities in terms of the anthropocentric and cultural values households attach to forest. However, households in Gudwini (who were managing a natural forest) significantly attached more non-use/option values to forest. This was attributed to the fact that households in this community believed that the natural forests were their heritage and were obliged to pass them to their future generations. It was also found that the anthropocentric and cultural/moral/spiritual values households attach to forest resources influence the decision to participate in CBFM programs. Other socio-economic factors (especially those that influence household‟s dependency on forests and the opportunity cost of their time in managing those forests) such as gender of household head, household size, levels of household income, total amount of social grants, perception of forest degradation, access to electricity, and distance to the forests have also been found to influence the household‟s decision to participate in CBFM. The study recommended that, since poorer societies have more materialistic orientation towards forests, CBFM programs should target poverty alleviation/income generation as the central theme to enhance participation in CBFM. Moreover, local people who depend more on forests and those with a lower opportunity cost of their time in managing forests could be targeted to ensure sustainable CBFM programs. / Thesis (M.Sc.Agric)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2012.

Indigenous forest resources are valuable to communities situated around them as they provide many different resources for their livelihoods. South Africa has only 0.5% of indigenous forest cover and most forests are surrounded by local communities who depend on them for resources. At Ongoye the forest was widely (91% of households) used for fuelwood. Community members denied harvesting the forest for either building or fencing poles, claiming they bought Eucalyptus poles from suppliers in the community. However, the harvesting intensities of pole size stems confirm that the user community does harvest timber from the forest. There is a high demand for fuelwood and pole-size stems are harvested not only for building but are cut and left to dry for later use as fuelwood. Although the harvesting intensity was greater than users were prepared to admit to, harvesting levels are thought to be sustainable. Local communities did not trade in products extracted from the forest. The use of resources was only for subsistence purposes, and therefore, forest resources were only valuable to users with respect to providing support to local livelihoods. Ensuring the protection and conservation of forest resources is critical for the survival of the user communities that are dependent upon them. Most local communities are not knowledgeable about managing forest resources adjacent to them, and the management of forest resources at Ongoye is currently in the hands of the state and also the influence of the Inkosi (local tribal chief). As part of the process of democratization post 1994, the government is devolving the management of natural resources to local communities. Several models of management institutions have been proposed and tested including community forest management (CFM), state forest management (SFM), and participatory forest management (PFM). Current trends are towards participatory management institutions. Using questionnaires, I determined that users preferred PFM over both SFM and CFM. However, the local community was in favour of more state involvement in the PFM than expected. Given a choice between CFM and SFM, the user community was more favourably disposed toward SFM. This was because they viewed CFM as vulnerable to resulting in open access to resources without any control. The devolution of powers to local communities can create problems in local governance. For most areas surrounding forest resources, traditional authorities are the important 'governing' leaders. In South Africa, events post 1994 have created tensions between democratically elected and hereditary governance institutions. On the one hand democratic institutions are supposed to be created at the local level, and on the other the constitution recognizes the existence of hereditary institutions. There is a power struggle over who the legitimate authority at the local level is between democratically elected councilors and chiefs. At Ongoye, the local chief was very powerful and had strong views on the ownership and control of Ongoye. He had a positive influence on maintaining current low to moderate levels of use of forest resources. However, because there are several dangers associated with concentrating power over management of natural resources in one individual, I recommend that a participatory natural resources management institution be developed that acknowledges the important role of the Inkosi, but also tempers his influence, so that continuity of management principles is maintained should traditional leadership changes hands. / Thesis (M.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2005.