This article is a working paper presenting a network building cooperative project between Umeå University inSweden and Zhejiang University in China. The project focuses on parents’ involvement and home-schoolcollaboration in Sweden and China and has an ambition to entail a set of empirical objectives: (1) to map andcompare the systems, policies, curricula, and resources dealing with home-school collaboration in Sweden andChina at the national level; (2) to identify and analyze the similarities and differences in the definitions, foci,models, practices, and perspectives on home-school collaboration in the two countries at the local level; and (3) toidentify and seek out good examples and models from both countries for communication and interaction amongteachers, parents, and students. Following an introduction to the project design where a comparative case-studyapproach is presented, this article reviews policies and researches concerning home-school collaboration inSwedish and Chinese contexts. Cases from both countries are selected, described, and discussed. Relative issues forfurther study are suggested. / Establishing research network between Sweden and China on cooperation between home and school

Research into the location decision of Australian international firms was primarily directed toward investigating motivations of Australian investors for setting up their foreign direct investments (FDI) in specific foreign countries. Nevertheless, the strategic decision-making process concerning the selection of a beneficial foreign country for either Australian or Western Australian international operations has been neglected in the existing literature; hence, an evident and significant gap was identified. Therefore, the current exploratory investigation used an interpretive paradigm to examine ‘how do Western Australian internationalising firms arrive at a beneficial foreign location choice for their international operations and hence attain successful international expansion. As an attempt to provide rich and deep insights into managerial actions and procedures, as well as critical success factors, that should be considered in effective international location decision-making process to attain a beneficial foreign location choice, five empirical comparative in-depth case studies excluding a pilot case study were purposefully selected from among sixteen potential Western Australian firms which established manufacturing and service operations abroad. Furthermore, seven international location decision-making processes were examined within these five cases through relying on several data sources: in-depth face to face interviews, short telephone and follow-up interviews and questionnaire instrument as primary data sources besides field notes, documents review when available and internet sources as secondary data sources. Two main stages of analysis were undertaken in the current research, namely, within and cross-case analyses. / The empirical findings of the extant research show that a thorough consultative and international experience-based strategic decision process should be considered to attain effective foreign country selection decisions. The consultative decision process encompasses five crucial managerial phases; that is, (1) strategic analysis of internationalisation drivers, (2) strategic searching and development of location factors and alternatives, (3) acquiring of adequate and relevant information about the prospective locations and, hence, strategic assessment for these alternatives, (4) strategic selection of final beneficial foreign location choice, and finally, (5) effective implementation of the selected location choice. Results reveal that the decision process cannot separately lead to the selection of a beneficial foreign location choice in the absence of four critical success factors, i.e., (1) international business experience of the selected location team, (2) the country knowledge about the potential foreign locations, (3) in-house and external consultations with international business experts and (4) identification of a trustworthy and internationally experienced manager or local partner for the international operation. The findings also illustrate that the comprehensive foreign country selection decision process is a multi-stage decision process which incorporates three separate location selection processes, namely, (1) country selection, (2) city selection and (3) site selection process. The current research extends the satisficing or bounded rational decision theory by confirming the appropriateness and the effectiveness of the theory in foreign country selection decisions. / In addition, the earlier critical success factors are adding new and important aspects of knowledge to the existing research on location decision-making process in international business, as well as foreign direct investment decisions. Accordingly, the former management phases and critical success factors were integrated into a conceptual model. The major and the unique contribution of the current thesis to existing theory is the development of a decision model which combines two fields of management research; that is, strategic decision-making and location decision-making in international business. The research provides important methodological contributions to international business research in relation to an effective multiple case study approach to capture elements of the comprehensive and complex international location decision-making process. Finally, the research findings and decision model have practical managerial implications for both international and internationalising firms by assisting them to improve the effectiveness of their foreign country selection decision processes. Further, the findings provide benefits for foreign investment policy-makers as well as local development officials in both home and host countries by assisting them to increase their outward FDI and attract more inward FDI and, consequently, boost the economic development movement in their countries.

In modern history governments have had an active role in responding and influencing the economic circumstances of the state. Whether by allocating resources or administering reforms, peacetime economic policies have traditionally impacted actor's public support as the choice of policy can impact the perception of actor's legitimacy. Despite the plethora of competing definitions, political scientists agree on considering legitimacy as a basic condition of governance -as it entails the acceptance and commitment of a people to a political authority. Rather than a unique characteristic of the state, governance becomes an attribute belonging to any social arrangement that exercises "function of statehood". By focusing on the comparison between the Syrian, the Libyan, and the Yemeni civil war this thesis aim is to enquire whether a positive relationship can be assessed between government economic choices and rebel's legitimacy. Given the neopatrimonial character of the three states this dissertation will focus on the actor's economic behavior to assess legitimacy. For the purpose of this analysis, I have chosen to adopt an Elitist framework as it focuses on bargain dynamics between political actors and elites (or constituencies). The methodological approach utilized is that of a comparative case study.

An antinomy is a contradiction between a principle and its opposite, where there is a compelling case for accepting both. This thesis adopts the antinomy of local-state government in Australia as its central conceptual theme, describing it with the following defensible, but contradictory principles that:¶ · Australian local governments are statutory agencies of Australia’s state governments, with no power or authority beyond that which is ascribed to them by the states (the outside-in principle); and¶ · Local governments in Australia are independent agencies whose authority and interests transcend their regulatory powers by nature of their attachment to their local area (the inside-out principle).¶ The central conceptual theme of the antinomy of local-state government shapes the overall thesis, as well as providing the focus for its introduction and conclusion. The thesis induces elements of the antinomy and structures much of its discussion around these key issues. It does not try to prove or resolve the antinomy. Instead the thesis uses the concept to explore and develop its second complex theme - the practical and applied experience of Australian local governments (LGs) as they attempt to deliver beneficial environmental outcomes. The great bulk of the substantive work presented in the thesis focuses on descriptions and analyses of LGs’ environmental work and the contexts within which they do it. The thesis contends that the local-state antinomy underpins many problems facing Australian LGs as they attempt to deliver beneficial environmental outcomes. Four research questions are addressed. They are:¶ · How can Australian LG capacity to deliver beneficial environmental outcomes be understood?¶ · Within this capacity, what are the environmental outcomes now being achieved by Australian LGs?¶ · How can Australian local government extend its capacity to deliver beneficial environmental outcomes? And¶ · What are the implications of the local-state antinomy on Australian LG capacity to deliver beneficial environmental outcomes?¶ This thesis reviews literature on Australian LG, LG environmental work, and the methods that are appropriate in investigating these questions. The overall thesis uses scientific, grounded theory and action research methods and draws on ideas from symbolic interactionism. Parts of the thesis also use environmental risk assessment, gap analysis techniques, case study and comparative analysis. The goal of generating grounded theories led to a strong focus on the development and exploration of analytical categories and the relationships between them. One such category summarises the relationship between LG and state government (SG), whereby LGs are identified as the inside sphere of government, while the SG is one of several outside spheres. Environmental efforts that impact between the spheres are described in relation to their source and impact, using this terminology, so that inside-out initiatives are driven by LGs but impact more broadly, and outside-in initiatives are driven by states but impact on local areas.¶ Two extensive studies are presented, each stemming primarily from one side of the local-state antinomy. The first is a quantitative, statewide study of local (and state) government implementation of the Queensland Environmental Protection Act. That process is considered a predominantly outside-in environmental initiative, in that LG interest and authority for that work stem directly from a SG statute. For simplicity, this is referred to as an outside-in study. That study involved the development and application of the Comparative Environmental Risk Assessment Method, that enabled the assessment of the environmental and other outcomes from the Queensland legislation.¶ The outside-in study is complimented by comparative case studies that mostly reflect inside-out environmental initiatives as they are defined and described by LGs. Again, this required the development of innovative research methods, specifically a comparative case study method. 34 case studies gathered from different types of LGs across Australia are presented, each representing an attempt by LG to deliver beneficial environmental outcomes.¶ In answer to the research questions, LG capacity to deliver environmental outcomes can be understood when the antinomy is examined through the research methods and analytical categories developed and presented here. LGs are delivering significant beneficial environmental outcomes, both as agents of SGs and through their own initiatives. Improving LG capacity to deliver environmental outcomes primarily requires a respect for LG perspectives, and for LG priorities, which inherently include a focus on their own local areas. State governments can build effective partnerships between the spheres and enhance LG environmental capacity by recognising and supporting LG’s own priorities, while assisting their engagement with broader strategic objectives.

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According to the Global Trends Report 2021 provided by UNHCR (2022), there were 89.3 million forcibly displaced people in the world at the end of 2021, of which more than a quarter were refugees. This implies that there are more forcibly displaced people who cannot be called as refugees. The contemporary refugee and forced migration issue has developed from the social transformation in line with globalization and neoliberalism. This thesis aims to reveal how transnational migration and social transformation affect the refugee policies of the two countries where there is nothing geographically, historically, and culturally in common. To do so, the methodological approach of comparative case studies (CCS) is used to examine the refugee policies of Sweden and South Korea.  As empirical data, semi-structured interviews with government agents and NGOs from each country are analyzed and assessed with the use of theoretical framework of neoliberalism and its impact on social transformation. The results suggest that the refugee policies of the two countries converged on the minimum level of protection. Furthermore, not only refugees or asylum seekers but also many other people, including migrants and even native born cannot get appropriate protection from the current system. An additional finding is that countries should develop reasonable migration policy to meet both the demand of the national economy and humanitarian protection. This would be possible by preparing the entry rights for economic migrants in accordance with their labor market demands and guaranteeing appropriate entitlements for them.  This thesis demonstrates that comparing the refugee policy between Western and non-Western countries has significance for understanding the power relations that bind the seemingly dissimilar countries together. Therefore, the refugee policies in non-Western countries and their relationship with Western counterparts should be researched further.

The question of the stability of American hegemony has consumed U.S. International Relations discourse since the Post-Cold War narrative. With the rapid changes in the international realm and the countless U.S. humanitarian and military operations around the globe, it is no surprise that many well-known researchers have taken the time to look at the impact of American hegemony under strict observation. However, more analysis must be made of these operations' strategic purpose and success. This thesis strives to fill this gap by conducting in-depth case studies on various U.S. military operations from the early 2000s to the present in the Middle East, Eastern Europe, and East Asia. These case studies were selected with the research tool "Comparative Case Study" method to limit any bias in which country or historical event to include in the case study chosen section. With the aid of Structured Analytical Techniques (SATs), an analysis is made using the historical information gathered by the case studies to determine whether the success and impact of U.S. presence in these regions are secure enough to go against a rising Chinese state. Contrary to the resources and attention given to these military operations, the lack of agreement among American presidential administrations on a strategy could have deteriorated American hegemonic presence abroad.

This thesis empirically examines how lobby groups and activists respond to innovative forms of public participation. The study centres on processes that foster a particular kind of deliberative governance including citizens’ juries, consensus conferences and planning cells. These deliberative designs bring together a panel of randomly selected lay citizens to deliberate on a specific policy issue for a few days, with the aim of providing decision makers with a set of recommendations. While policy makers worldwide are attracted to these novel participatory processes, little consideration has been given to how well they work alongside more adversarial and interest-based politics. This doctoral research project examines this interface by studying what these processes mean to different kinds of policy actors such as corporations, advocacy groups, government agencies, experts and professionals. These entities are collectively referred to in this thesis as ‘interest organisations’ because in some way they are seeking a specific policy outcome from the state – even government-based groups.¶ The empirical research in this thesis is based on comparative case studies of four deliberative design projects in Australia and Germany. The Australian cases include a citizens’ jury on waste management legislation and a consensus conference on gene technology in the food chain. The German case studies include a planning cells project on consumer protection in Bavaria, and a national consensus conference on genetic diagnostics. Together the cases capture a diversity of complex and contested policy issues facing post-industrialised societies. In each case study, I examine how relevant interest organisations responded to the deliberative forum, and then interpret these responses in view of the context and features of the case.¶ The picture emerging from the in-depth case studies is that interest organisations respond to deliberative designs in a variety of ways. Some choose to participate actively, others passively decline, and a few resort to strategic tactics to undermine citizens’ deliberations. The empirical research reveals that though responses are variable, most interest organisations are challenged by several features of the deliberative design model including: 1) that deliberators are citizens with no knowledge or association with the issue; 2) that experts and interest representatives are required to present their arguments before a citizens’ panel; and 3) that policy discussions occur under deliberative conditions which can expose the illegitimate use of power.¶ Despite these challenges, the paradox is that many interest organisations do decide to engage in lay citizen deliberations. The empirical research indicates that groups and experts value deliberative designs if they present an opportunity for public relations, customer feedback, or advocacy. Moreover, the research finds that when policy actors intensively engage with ‘ordinary’ citizens, their technocratic and elite ideas about public participation can shift in a more inclusive and deliberative direction.¶ The thesis finds that, on the whole, weaker interest organisations are more willing to engage with lay citizens than stronger organisations because they welcome the chance to influence public debate and decision makers. It appears that powerful groups will only engage in a deliberative forum under certain policy conditions, for example, when the dominant policy paradigm is unstable and contested, when public discussion on the issue is emerging, when policy networks are interdependent and heterogeneous, and when the broader social and political system supports public accountability, consensus and deliberation. Given that these kinds of policy conditions do not always exist, I conclude that tensions between interest organisations and deliberative governance will be common. In order to create more cooperative and productive interfaces, I recommend that interest organisations be better supported and integrated into citizens’ deliberations, and that steps be taken to safeguard forums from strategic attempts to undermine their legitimacy.¶ The thesis also sends out three key messages to democratic theorists. First, the empirical research shows that different kinds of groups and actors in civil society vary in their willingness and capacity to participate to public deliberation. Second, the deliberative design model demonstrates that partisan actors, such as interest organisations, will engage in public deliberation when they can participate as strategic deliberators. In this role partisans are not expected to relinquish their agendas, but present them as testimonies before a group of deliberators. Third, the empirical research in this thesis should bring home to theorists that deliberative forums are closely linked to the discursive context within which they operate.