During the refugee crises in Sweden 2015, it became clear that there are several disadvantages with the Swedish reception system. It is well known that refugees and other immigrants are not distributed equally among the country's municipalities. An even distribution is important for a successful reception and integration according to the Swedish Authorities and Regions. The purpose of this paper is to analyze what factors could be the reason for an uneven distribution of refugees in Sweden. To analyze the question, secondary data is used from 2006 to 2015 in order to make pooled regressions and Least Squares Dummy Variable (LSDV) models. Different data is collected that may be related to the dependent variable of new arrivals per capita based on previous studies and theories. In addition, we are aware that there are more aspects that can affect the municipal reception but cannot be measured in this study. The study found that the following investigated variables are associated with the number of arrivals received in a municipality. It was shown that the percentage of former foreign-born in the municipality had a positive correlation with the proportion of new arrivals and it also suggested that these new arrivals settle in areas with others from similar backgrounds. An unexpected result was the percentage of seniors in a community that affects the dependent variable positively. Additionally, the average income in a municipality shows a negative correlation, whereby this result could be explained from people with similar incomes living in similar areas. The study also analyzed the education level of people which shows a negative relationship that can be justified in a similar way. It was also found that unemployment affects new arrivals positively but the results are not clear.  It was found that housing deficits have a negative relationship with the dependent variable, whilst housing surplus has a positive correlation which was expected. Countryside municipalities show a positive result that is statistically significant and the metropolitan municipality has a negative impact, however this result is not statistically significant. As for political power, this does not show any connection with the dependent variable on new arrivals. It can be explained by using the median voter theorem which explains how the parties attract the greatest number of voters.   Keywords: Refugee policy, Refugee, Municipality, Regression analysis. / Under flyktingkrisen i Sverige 2015 blev det påtagligt att det finns brister i det svenska mottagningssystemet, det uppmärksammades att nyanlända inte fördelas jämnt mellan landets kommuner. En jämn fördelning är enligt Sveriges kommuner och landsting (SKL) viktig för ett lyckat mottagande och integration. Uppsatsens syfte är att undersöka frågan: ”Vad kan den ojämna fördelningen av nyanlända mellan landets kommuner bero på?” För att analysera frågeställningen används i uppsatsen sekundärdata mellan 2006–2015, metoden som används är poolade regressioner och minsta kvadratdummyvariabel (LSDV) modellen. Data samlas över sådana variabler som bör ha ett samband med den beroende variabeln nyanlända/capita utifrån tidigare studier samt teorier. Utöver valda variabler är vi medvetna om att det finns fler saker som kan påverka kommuners mottagande men som inte mäts i denna studie. Studien finner att ett antal av de undersökta variablerna har ett samband med antalet nyanlända som mottages i en kommun.  Andel tidigare utlandsfödda i kommunen har ett positivt samband med andel nyanlända vilket kan bero på att många nyanlända bosätter sig i områden där det finns personer med liknande bakgrund. Medelinkomsten i en kommun visar sig ha ett negativt samband till den beroende variabeln vilket möjligen beror på att personer med liknande inkomst bosätter sig i liknande områden. Utbildningsnivå är också negativt relaterat till andel nyanlända som mottages i en och kan motiveras på liknande sätt som medelinkomst. Andel pensionärer i en kommun har ett positivt samband med den beroende variabeln vilket är ett oväntat resultat. Arbetslöshet har också ett positivt samband med andelen nyanlända men resultaten är otydliga. Bostadsunderskott har ett negativt samband med den beroende variabeln medan bostadsöverskott har ett positivt samband vilket var väntat. Landsbygdskommuner visar ett positivt samband som är statistiskt säkerställt, storstadskommun har ett negativt samband men resultatet är inte signifikant. Politiskt styre visar inte något samband till den beroende variabeln nyanlända per capita vilket kan förklaras med hjälp av medianväljarteoremet.   Nyckelord: Flyktingmottagande, nyanlända, kommuner, regressionsanalys.

In 1947 the federal government of Canada began a program to move European Displaced Persons (DP) out of the International Refugee Organization (IRO) camps in Germany and Austria. This program, designed to fill chronic labour shortages in Canada’s resource industries and contribute to a solution for Europe’s refugee crisis, occurred in a transitional moment in Canadian society. Canadians emerged from World War Two with a new sense of Canada’s role in the world, but despite a changed international climate, a new discourse of human rights and a potentially robust economy, old perceptions of race, immigration and economic management lingered in the postwar years complicating the work of a new generation of civil servants, politicians and industry operators. This is a history of the transition. It demonstrates the ways that old and new ideas of the nation, citizenship, race and immigration co-existed. It highlights the significance of the beginnings of a debate on the elimination of discrimination based on race in Canada’s immigration policy; shows the link between economic prosperity and popular support for immigration; and demonstrates the importance of individuals within industry, the civil service and in government in national decision-making. This is an international history, spanning the Atlantic and bringing a global perspective to local experience in Canadian industries. Chapters on the federal decision making process are supplemented by evidence from the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA), the IRO, the Ontario Ministry of Education and forestry, mining and hydro industries. It uses a variety of methodologies including policy history, oral history, public opinion polling, gender, ethnicity and labour studies to investigate the implications of these decisions for Canadian society. It demonstrates that the 1947-1951 movement of DPs was initiated primarily under dual pressure from Canadians who had served abroad and industry leaders who had previously used POW labour to solve on going shortages in the bush. These decisions were strongly informed by both the crisis in Europe and Canadian assumptions about race, labour and citizenship. By examining the expectations Canadians had for the behaviour of its newest arrivals and future citizens this study highlights the foundations of Canadian citizenship in 1947: community participation, contribution to the development of the economy, and political loyalty to the nation.

This dissertation explores the factors which contributed to a change in the paradigm that framed Canadian refugee policy over the course of the 1990s. This change is characterized in the dissertation as a shift from a refugee protection paradigm that dominated policy-makers’ thinking in the 1970s and 1980s, to a security-control paradigm by at the end of the 1990s. This change is puzzling because it occurred prior to the events of 9/11 rather than in response to them and because domestic motivations for change do not provide a complete explanation of the shift. The dissertation argues that although factors in the domestic and international environments may have enabled paradigm change, a more complete explanation of shift needs to consider the process through which Canadian policy-makers were socialized into a developing international norm. This process of international socialization occurred through bureaucrats’ international interaction in bilateral and Regional Consultative Processes akin to Anne-Marie Slaughter’s global government networks. Using data generated from primary document analysis and a series of interviews of key policy-makers this dissertation maps paradigm change over the two periods. This data is then used to provide evidence of the importance of bureaucratic socialization through a global government network for migration in explaining this change.

In 1947 the federal government of Canada began a program to move European Displaced Persons (DP) out of the International Refugee Organization (IRO) camps in Germany and Austria. This program, designed to fill chronic labour shortages in Canada’s resource industries and contribute to a solution for Europe’s refugee crisis, occurred in a transitional moment in Canadian society. Canadians emerged from World War Two with a new sense of Canada’s role in the world, but despite a changed international climate, a new discourse of human rights and a potentially robust economy, old perceptions of race, immigration and economic management lingered in the postwar years complicating the work of a new generation of civil servants, politicians and industry operators. This is a history of the transition. It demonstrates the ways that old and new ideas of the nation, citizenship, race and immigration co-existed. It highlights the significance of the beginnings of a debate on the elimination of discrimination based on race in Canada’s immigration policy; shows the link between economic prosperity and popular support for immigration; and demonstrates the importance of individuals within industry, the civil service and in government in national decision-making. This is an international history, spanning the Atlantic and bringing a global perspective to local experience in Canadian industries. Chapters on the federal decision making process are supplemented by evidence from the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA), the IRO, the Ontario Ministry of Education and forestry, mining and hydro industries. It uses a variety of methodologies including policy history, oral history, public opinion polling, gender, ethnicity and labour studies to investigate the implications of these decisions for Canadian society. It demonstrates that the 1947-1951 movement of DPs was initiated primarily under dual pressure from Canadians who had served abroad and industry leaders who had previously used POW labour to solve on going shortages in the bush. These decisions were strongly informed by both the crisis in Europe and Canadian assumptions about race, labour and citizenship. By examining the expectations Canadians had for the behaviour of its newest arrivals and future citizens this study highlights the foundations of Canadian citizenship in 1947: community participation, contribution to the development of the economy, and political loyalty to the nation.

This dissertation explores the factors which contributed to a change in the paradigm that framed Canadian refugee policy over the course of the 1990s. This change is characterized in the dissertation as a shift from a refugee protection paradigm that dominated policy-makers’ thinking in the 1970s and 1980s, to a security-control paradigm by at the end of the 1990s. This change is puzzling because it occurred prior to the events of 9/11 rather than in response to them and because domestic motivations for change do not provide a complete explanation of the shift. The dissertation argues that although factors in the domestic and international environments may have enabled paradigm change, a more complete explanation of shift needs to consider the process through which Canadian policy-makers were socialized into a developing international norm. This process of international socialization occurred through bureaucrats’ international interaction in bilateral and Regional Consultative Processes akin to Anne-Marie Slaughter’s global government networks. Using data generated from primary document analysis and a series of interviews of key policy-makers this dissertation maps paradigm change over the two periods. This data is then used to provide evidence of the importance of bureaucratic socialization through a global government network for migration in explaining this change.

This thesis aims to improve historical knowledge of Australian refugee policy between 1976 and 1983, a unique and transitional moment in the nation’s history and in international refugee movements. The discussion will be based on original evidence drawn from archival records and oral history interviews, and informed by a broad literature which recognises that refugee policy is a product of varied political imperatives and historical context. First, Chapter Three reveals that because the Fraser government could not deport the Indochinese boatpeople who sailed to Australia, it sought to approve their refugee status in order to legitimate its announcements that only ‘genuine’ refugees were being admitted. In doing so, the Fraser government was required to defend the processing of boat arrivals to the public and within the bureaucracy. Chapter Four finds that historical and political considerations informed the Fraser government’s choice not to reject or detain boat arrivals but to instead introduce legislation against people smuggling. The chapter presents new evidence to disprove claims expressed in recent academic and media commentary that the government’s Immigration (Unauthorised Arrivals) Act 1980 (Cth) marked a particularly harsh stance and that passengers on the VT838 were deported without due process, and draws from ideas within the literature concerning the need for states to promote the integrity of the refugee concept. Chapter Five contributes to international literature on refugee status determination procedure by studying the Australian government’s assessment of non-Indochinese. Through a dataset created from UNHCR archives it is found that the quality of briefing material and political considerations could influence deliberations on individual cases. Chapter Six contributes to literature on in-country processing, revealing how Australia’s programme in Chile and El Salvador was a means of diversifying the refugee intake but caused tensions between the Department of Immigration and the Department of Foreign Affairs.

When a person is forced to flee their home due to violence or the fear of persecution, they must seek refuge elsewhere – either within the borders of their home country or in a new country. Those who travel to another country in search of safety and protection are known as refugees, and as world conflicts continue, the number of refugees around the world is steadily increasing. As refugees integrate into their new communities, they often receive support from nonprofit organizations once government assistance has ceased. This mixed method study uses 60 open-ended, first-person interviews with refugees and nonprofit service providers, participant observation, and a secondary data analysis of nonprofit mission and goal statements to explore the needs of refugee populations in a southeastern city in the United States, compare and analyze how nonprofits in this area are interacting with and providing services to their refugee clients, determine the extent to which the refugees being served perceive the nonprofit’s services to be effective, and determine the extent to which refugees feel that their needs are being met. Findings indicate that refugees and nonprofit service providers typically gauge the effectiveness of nonprofit services in very different ways, with refugees measuring effectiveness as the extent to which a nonprofit helps its clients, and with service providers measuring effectiveness as the extent to which a nonprofits meets its mission and goals; thus, creating specific mission statements that are aligned with client needs is crucial for nonprofits. Findings also showed that refugees may be hesitant to fully express their needs to service providers due to cultural barriers and/or the fear of being a "burden", and that informal methods of soliciting refugee perspectives may help service providers better assist their refugee clients. The data also indicate that nonprofits that engage in collaborations with other nonprofits and governmental agencies, provide refugees with increased access to ESL classes, and ensure that refugees have ample opportunities to engage with other members of their community typically see more positive outcomes as their refugee clients seek to integrate.

The ongoing war in Syria and the subsequent refugee crisis has brought the need for refugee resettlement to the forefront of policy debates. Canada and the United States display stark differences in the outcome of their refugee policies. Canada continues to welcome Syrian refugees, whereas the United States has become less willing to engage in resettlement. The purpose of this study was to use Entman's conceptualization of framing theory to compare media framing of refugees in Canada and the United States to deliver insight into the different policy outcomes. Data were acquired through a content analysis of 850 newspaper articles in each country that were measured with 2 separate Lexicoder instruments to represent the salience and selection of the media coverage about refugees. These data were then analyzed primarily through compare-means tests to determine if there were differences in media reporting between the 2 nations. Findings indicated that newspapers in the United States portrayed refugees more negatively than newspapers in Canada. The tone and frame of the articles differered significantly between the 2 countries (p < .001). These results suggested that newspaper articles in the United States portrayed a less favorable attitude toward refugees compared to Canada. The implications for positive social change include the necessity by intergovernmental, governmental, and nonprofit organizations who are tasked with refugee resettlement in the United States to counter the negative portrayals of refugees in the media in order to enhance the integration process of refugees in society and motivate additional resettllement opportunities.

Earlier studies have proposed that Swedish refugee policy started to change around 1942, when a restrictive refugee policy became more generous and humanitarian. From a quantitative point of view this statement is true: there were about ten thousand refugees in 1941, compared to almost two hundred thousand by the end of the war. However, this does not tell us whether the well-known discourses of Swedish inter-war anti-Semitism, nationalism and xenophobia underwent the same changes. The aim of this dissertation is to analyse the public debate concerning foreigners, refugees and refugee policy in 1942–1947. The dissertation puts forward the hypothesis of The Nordic prerogative. In brief, this prerogative meant that Sweden primarily held itself obliged to accept ethnical Northeners as refugees, and looked upon this obligation as more important than other considerations, such as the refugee’s ideological views, need of protection or humanitarian needs. Symptomatically, the groups which could not be entirely encompassed within the idea of a Nordic prerogative, particularly the Balts and the Danish Jews, were perceived as the most problematical refugee groups, both on a general level of the debates, and in specific issues. The idea of a Nordic prerogative did not derive from a sense of ethnical fraternity and humanitarian considerations alone, however. Several undertakings were also brought about by pragmatic considerations. Sweden sought goodwill, and reception of refugees was seen as one way of winning it. The dissertation also shows that the idea of a Nordic prerogative seems to become less important when the refugee comes closer to the everyday life of Sweden, where the Nordic refugees too were referred to as ”foreigners”, ”aliens” etc. As such, they had to put up with being spoken of in negatively loaded expressions, in the same way as other foreigners.

<p>The essay aims to compare Swedish and Finnish decisions regarding refugee policies by tracing them back to the critical junctures when the policies were established, in order to explain why there are big differences prevalent today. The questions asked involve the motivations of the refugee policies and how they have changed over time.</p><p>The theoretical framework employed is based on historical institutionalism and path dependency. By using a most similar system design and process tracing, material in the form of government declarations and government bills are studied and summed up in two analytical models. The results show that there might be a weak path dependency in the case of Finland. However it is more apparent in the case of Sweden, with frequent statements of a generous refugee policy that is characterised by humanity. The conclusions drawn are that the differences between the refugee policies might be due to the fact that the refugee policies are motivated in different ways in the two countries. Furthermore, Sweden has had an established policy for a long time whereas Finland has only just started developing this program.</p>