Thesis (M.S.)--George Mason University, 2008. / Vita: p. 130. Thesis director: Andrea Bartoli. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in Conflict Analysis and Resolution. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Mar. 17, 2009). Includes bibliographical references (p. 121-129). Also issued in print.

A dissertation presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Master of Arts Degree in Political Studies, Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2016 / Sudan is a state that has become synonymous with violent atrocities resulting from clashes between government forces and rebel groups The resulting death and displacement of scores of its civilians as a result of these clashes has captured the world’s attention and inspired an in depth analysis for the causes. This research report explores the impact that the political decision making by the postcolonial government in the form of rationality had on this circumstance and to what extent the governance procedure influenced the tensions that catapulted the state into violence. The North South, Muslim Christian dichotomy has been understood as the crux of the violence in Sudan, the reality however is much more complex and a variety of intricate factors converge to result in the spate of violent atrocities that has been suffered mostly by those who are not participants in the conflicts. Sudan’s history and its successive postcolonial governments are two factors that weigh greatly on these complexities, the process of political rationality in particular is central to this and as such forms the crux of the political decision making process by the governing structure. The analysis of political rationality as a concept provides an insight into the context that framed this process and is therefore vital to consider in trying to decipher and mitigate against the occurrence of further violent atrocities in Sudan specifically and generally in Africa as a whole. / MT2017

This study explores how traditional conflict resolution mechanisms were used to transform the conflict between the Dinka and Nuer communities in Wunlit, south Sudan in 1999. Various people perceived, experienced and played different roles in the process. Through story telling and the sacrifice of a white bull, the two communities entered a covenant which still holds four years later. The merger of previously antagonistic liberation movements with strong Dinka and Nuer constituencies, respectively, two years after Wunlit is seen by some as a dividend of Wunlit. People-centred peacemaking processes can be credited for contributing to enduring peace. / Thesis (M.Com.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2003.

The Intergovernmental Authority on Development (!GAD) has played a major role in conflict resolution in the Sudan. The strength of the !GAD Peace Initiative particularly has been its clarity in identifying the key issues at the core of the conflict in its Declaration of Principles (DoP). From that time the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/ Army (SPLM/A) and Government of Sudan (GoS), though later, embarked on a path to seek a negotiated settlement to the conflict. Another achievement had been IGAD's ability to help Sudan pool its resources that seemed to provide an answer to the perennial power constraints that bedevil African mediators. It is without doubt that the Machakos protocol signed in July 2002 was a breakthrough for the history of IGAD's conflict resolution in Sudan, because of the acknowledgement, for the first time, of the right of self-determination for the south, and the guarantee of the right to opt for self-determination through a referendum at the end of a six-year interim period. From this time IGAD's mediators became more flexible, the Sudan peace process moved speedily and to the highest level; and between 2002 and 2003, the substantive agreements were signed, leading to the final agreement in 2005. At the same time, the hard-pressed role of the United States cannot be undermined for real progress in the IGAD peace process in Sudan. Furthermore, though IGAD faced a lot of challenges as the parties' willingness to negotiate correlated with their military successes and failures, the organization commitment in the peace process assisted in achieving IGAD's stated objective. Its also worth noting that there was a lack of inclusivity in the IGAD negotiations and the mediators at times were unable to articulate common visions of their roles and sustain adequate attention to their intervention; however, despite several competing mediation attempts such as the "Joint Libya-Egyptian Initiative" (JLEI), IGAD has provided the by and large undisputed negotiation framework for the Sudan conflict since the mid-nineties. Crucial and worthy as this achievement is that, the IGAD Initiative will engross a continuing involvement in Sudan that would not end until the terms of the peace agreement are fulfilled and the necessary stability is achieved, because only then would there be confidence that peace would be secure. This objective is not realisable unless there are significant and continuing democratic reforms; IGAD must understand that this objective is an integral part of the peace process. Finally, IGAD's continued engagement with the Joint IGAD Partners and the international community as a whole to provide for support for peace building and reconstruction in Sudan is imperative. If peace is consolidated in the South, it will demonstrate the benefits of negotiated solutions to other parts of Sudan, such as Darfur and the East. / M.Soc.Sc. (Peace Studies International Relations) North West University, Mafikeng Campus, 2006

Africa has witnessed some of the most horrific and devastating conflicts in the world in recent times. This study, concerned about the problem of these seemingly intractable or endemic violent conflicts ravaging the continent of Africa since decolonisation; resulting in poverty, hunger, diseases, massive killing, rape, permanent disability and underdevelopment, examined the issues relating to conflict prevention, management and resolution in Africa. In doing so, it used the conflict in the Darfur region of Sudan as a case study. It examined the role of international organisations, especially that which the African Union and the United Nations played in the prevention, management and resolution of the conflict in the Darfur region of Sudan, as well as the remote and immediate cause of the Darfur conflict and major parties to the Darfur conflict. Other issues examined by this study include the outcome of the United Nations Commission of Inquiry into the violations of international humanitarian law and human rights law, including acts of genocide in Darfur; and the Sudanese government’s response. Moreover, it analysed the implication of the Darfur conflict in the problem of preventing, managing and resolving violent conflict in Africa while drawing some lessons for the African Union, as well as the government of Sudan. However, this research, which adopted the qualitative case study methodology in data collection, presentation and analysis, posits that the protracted violent conflict, which was triggered by some rebel leaders with doubtful motives in the Darfur region of Sudan, who capitalised on the age-long problem of underdevelopment in the Darfur region, as well as low intensity disputes among the tribes over ownership of land and water resources, was avoidable. It further asserts that the African Union lacked the capacity to engage in an effective peace support operation in Africa as witnessed in the failure of its mission in Darfur, which eventually got rescued by the United Nations through the UN-AU Hybrid Mission in Darfur (UNAMID). Further, this study has contributed in narrowing the existing gaps in academic literature on the aspect of conflict prevention management and resolution especially in Africa, even as it introduced the conspiracy theory in the understanding of the issues relating to the conflict in the Darfur region while recommending the immediate operationalisation of the African Union standby force to avert the reoccurrence of the Darfur conflict in Sudan and other parts of Africa, among other strategies aimed at enhancing the capacity and capability of the African Union to prevent, manage and resolve violent conflicts in Africa with or without the intervention of foreign powers. Moreover, this study recommends good governance that will promote political, social and economic justice as well as adherence to the rule of law; against all forms marginalisation, discrimination and other forms of structural violence in Africa. Essentially, this research has made an original contribution to the conflict studies literature with the formulation of the “Violent Intrastate Conflict Model” which explains the conflict dynamics and processes in most violent intrastate conflicts or civil war.

The socio-economic dimension of conflicts has enjoyed increasing attention in research dealing with the dynamics of contemporary conflict. The underlying assumption of this study is that the socio-economic dimension of conflict can be hugely informative in terms of providing an understanding as to why peace agreements fail and in that sense can contribute to the resolution of conflicts if taken into account during the formulation of peace agreements. This study explores the way in which conflict theory has dealt with conflict and determines to what degree peace agreements in the Sudan have taken into consideration the socio-economic dimension of the conflict between the North and South Sudan since February 1972 to January 2005. This study proposes a number of recommendations in terms of the peace process in the Sudan with possible wider application to other future peace agreements.

The diversity of African Conflicts has become a field of inquiry and drawn the attention of many scholars who wish to theorize the origin of these conflicts. Such conflicts were perceived, in many ways, as originating from a colonial legacy. However, conflicts over natural resources have always played a role in human society, and have retarded socio-development in many countries. Guy Martin acknowledges that, over the last 40 years, Africa has been and continues to be one of the most conflict-ridden regions of the world; this has resulted in untold human suffering (Guy, 2002:185-188). This study focuses on resource conflicts and their outcomes on Public Administration as a discipline. The discussion offers a theoretical review of academic literature in combination with an analysis of the feature of resource conflicts and the relevant policies which govern conflict resolution and management. According to Terry et al (2007:32), “these two regions suffered from developmental and educational ignorance”. Most of the people living in this area are pastoralists; as such, the violence emanating from cattle rustling within Sudan and across its borders with Kenya, Uganda and Ethiopia continues to erode their moral fabric. The remoteness of the area has caused it to be a landscape of conflicts and insecurity and might have been cause for the paralysis of public administration and, in turn, reflected in poor service delivery. During the course of the study, an orderly and systematic use of mixed methods was chosen, since quantitative and qualitative research methods were found to be complementary rather than oppositional approaches. Using both prominent and modest collection procedures, the methods employed in this study proved to be practical and useful. The study examines resource conflict between the Turkana of Kenya and the Toposa of South Sudan. It suggests practical strategies and mechanisms by which the problem will be ameliorated, here and elsewhere, in as far as providing effective and efficient service delivery to the community without fail.

Thesis (MPhil (Sustainable Development Planning and Management))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / Both Afghanistan and Sudan have experienced extended periods of war and violent conflict. Sudan has been engulfed in a nearly continuous and bitter civil war since independence in 1956. Afghanistan has been in a state of conflict since the Soviet invasion in 1979. Both nations are also among the poorest and least developed in the world. The article on Sudan addresses the interlinkages that exist between conflict and natural resources and how access to and unequal distribution of natural resources have triggered and fuelled violent conflict. In the case of Afghanistan, the article looks at the reasons for US military intervention in 2001 and analyses the reconstruction and development programmes devised by the international community in order to rebuild the country. Based on these, the article looks at the potential for creating a sustainable society in Afghanistan and putting in place an effective system of environmental governance. Although it is recognised that both countries have managed to address some of the causes of conflict, the articles also state that in both cases, the agreements that were signed between the warring parties are far from being comprehensive. This is illustrated by the fact that in Afghanistan, conflict with the Taliban has increased dramatically in recent months, and in Sudan, by the still ongoing conflict in Darfur. It is argued that in both countries the potential for promoting long-term sustainable development is limited not unrelated, in large measure, to the nature of the development agendas being imposed by external decision-makers. Financial institutions and other international development actors have played an instrumental role in devising these agendas. They are promoting development strategies mostly based on neo-liberal policies and reliant on market forces, despite the fact that these policies have, in the past, often failed to trigger economic growth and alleviate poverty. Finally, while issues relating to the management of natural resources, particularly those of global and strategic importance, receive a fair amount of attention in the development plans, environmental protection as such, is often lacking political and financial commitment.