Although Sudan is a country with enormous agricultural potential, agriculture has not prospered over the last two decades and Sudan now finds itself a bankrupt net importer of food. Much of the country's agricultural resource base is found in the rainfed agricultural region of Western Sudan, which includes Kordofan. This study focuses on Kordofan, and reports on data gathered during work for the Western Sudan Agricultural Research Project. Rather than following the production orientation usually employed by economists, it addresses issues related to the role of marketing in agricultural economic development. Marketing in Kordofan, as well as production, is subject to disruption because of climatic variations characteristic of arid and semi-arid regions. Extended annual dry periods and droughts distort price performance for agricultural commodities and cause shifts in marketing channel structure. Risk levels are substantially increased for producers and small traders, while at the same time they must take on increased responsibility for many channel functions. Marketing also suffers from infrastructure deficiencies: roads are often impassable during the rainy season, and storage losses become huge over the course of a year. The private marketing system in Kordofan has adapted to these conditions, and is performing quite effectively, efficiently, and equitably, given the adverse conditions. Competition is extensive, farmers have many alternatives when selling crops, and merchants operate on fairly modest profit margins. A widespread bias against the private sector has led to extensive government intervention into marketing spheres. These policies include direct operation of some marketing channels, manipulation of price structures through artificial exchange rates and price controls, and restrictive licensing practices. Wherever such policies have been applied in Kordofan, they have led to declining production of government controlled crops, they have restricted competition in marketing channels, and they have lowered living standards for producers and consumers. Sudan has not successfully identified areas where private channels in Kordofan cannot solve problems, and which therefore require public intervention. The government seems to have based its economic decisions upon ideological considerations and intervened in areas which it cannot perform as well as the private market.

The socio-economic dimension of conflicts has enjoyed increasing attention in research dealing with the dynamics of contemporary conflict. The underlying assumption of this study is that the socio-economic dimension of conflict can be hugely informative in terms of providing an understanding as to why peace agreements fail and in that sense can contribute to the resolution of conflicts if taken into account during the formulation of peace agreements. This study explores the way in which conflict theory has dealt with conflict and determines to what degree peace agreements in the Sudan have taken into consideration the socio-economic dimension of the conflict between the North and South Sudan since February 1972 to January 2005. This study proposes a number of recommendations in terms of the peace process in the Sudan with possible wider application to other future peace agreements.

The conventional theoretical and analytical debate surrounding contemporary African underdevelopment attempts to classify or label the impediments to development primarily within an internal-external dichotomy. This thesis questions the internal-external approach in that it may limit the opportunity to examine the situation more in terms of a single process, blending the forces that hinder political and economic growth. The case of the Sudan illustrates this 'holistic' concept in that certain fundamental constraints wi thin the Sudan combined with specific external factors place severe limitations on both the economic and political development of the country. The traditional disunity and absence of a legitimate political authority within the Sudan, combined with the Sudan's integration into the world economic system, has created a situation that is detrimental to development. Rather than place the blame or responsibility for underdevelopment on any particular set of forces, I have examined how these forces have intertwined to create the present conditions in the Sudan, perhaps highlighting similar situations throughout other Third World nations as well. / Master of Arts

The brain drain emerged as a phenomenon in the Sudan in the early 1970's when a change in the political system was followed by a change in the economic situation. The oil price increases created a dynamic process that led to attractive employment conditions in the petroleum producing countries such as Saudi Arabia and to depressed economic conditions in the developing countries like the Sudan. The purposes of the study are to (a) obtain information on the Sudanese professionals working in Saudi Arabia, (b) determine what major factors influence their migration, and (c) to develop policy recommendations on the flow of migration from the Sudan. The population of this study were Sudanese professionals living in Saudi Arabia. Data were generated through surveying a sample of 300 subjects selected randomly from the defined population. A survey questionnaire based on the research questions was developed for this study. Data from 263 respondents were analyzed. The findings of the study suggest that the majority of the Sudanese professionals working in Saudi Arabia are male, between 30 to 40 years of age. They have many years of experience and a high level of qualifications. The factors that led to their migration are: (a) high cost of living in the Sudan, (b) low salary, (c) money shortage, (d) high cost of housing, (e) little opportunity for advancement, and (f) shortage of basic necessities. It is realized that migration has costs and benefits for the Sudan. Government policies should be directed to maximize the benefits and minimize the costs. It is recommended that the government should adopt policies to regulate migration and assure the Sudanese expatriates of the efficient execution of these policies, attract their remittances through exemption and facilities, and work toward eliminating or reducing the causes of migration.

This research project mainly focuses on the public financial accountability in the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning for South Sudan. According to the Public Service Regulations, the government has a duty and responsibility to deliver services to its entire people. In other words, the government exists primarily for the welfare of the people, by creating public institutions to render services delivery and developmental programmes for the communities. There are no government institutions that can function without the provision of finance resources (money). The management of the finances is one of the most important and critical tasks of the government, which requires public financial accountability from the political role-players and public officials, concerned with the use of public money (to be accountable). However the level of service delivery that citizens have to expect depends mostly on standardized public financial accountability of public money (revenue income) by the role players, and public officials in the institutions as integral part of public financial management. Any organization that manages and reports on its finances mitigates the risk of finances, builds good quality and openness into its financial and non financial analyses, monitors the sustainability of benefits and reflects sound financial accountability. Public financial accountability is a specific field that intended to as a tool use for the economy, efficient and effective administration of public money for render of service delivery to the citizens and the developmental programmes for the better live condition or general welfare of the communities. The study was motivated by the issue of public financial accountability in the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning for both, during the interim period of six years and after independence in, 2011 for the government of South Sudan which has influenced socio- economic concern, as a result many communities in South Sudan have no access to basic services delivery. Research instruments which solicited quantitative and qualitative data were used to collect information from a sample of management officials and administrative staffs within the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning The research sought to identify the challenges faced and their causes and the ways of improving efficiency and effectiveness of public financial accountability in the ministry of finance and economic planning. The focus of public financial accountability is ranging from the stages of revenue collection, keeping/saving, treasury regulations, money transfer and budget expenditure, etc that can be achieved by transparency, financial reporting statements, control, and audit, as well as good ethical behavior for good performance in the public institutions, this is because maladministration practices of public finance have an impact in rendering of service delivery’s performance. This research focuses on the level of preparedness for accountability and financial accountability with regard to public financial management in the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning. Particularly, it explored the laws, policies, procedures, rules and regulations governing implementation of public money, systems in place to oversee this process as well as the capacity of the role-players and public officials in this respective ministry. It further examined how finances have been used for the rendering of service delivery to the communities. In order to accomplish the objectives of this study, a literature study as well as empirical research was undertaken. For the empirical research, questionnaires as well as various types of interviews were used. For proportionate representation efficiency as well as cost effectiveness, the research used a sample of 26 respondents. These included 6 Financial Management Officers, 4 Directors General, 14 finance administrative Staffs, 1 Auditor-General, 1 Chair Person of Anti-Corruption Commission Exploratory statistics and methods were utilized to analyze the data collected so as to measure the reaction to the research questions and objectives under scrutiny. The research disclosed that the public financial accountability in the Ministry of Finance and Economic planning is a new approach that facilitates changes and growth by improving the ways of control public money. The study also found that the standardized laws, policies rules and regulations, and procedures for implementation for public financial accountability have been developed, but not implemented to achieve the stated goals. Also some other important documents are not yet developed. The findings attested to recommendations that, this research will help the policy makers to reformulate the policy; help the implementers or administrators the planners or the managers of the programmes to modify or adjust the programme; to help professionals or academician including those who may research in the area or field; it will help in filling gap in that particular academic dimension or field. The study made recommendations that, the public financial accountability must be improved in the ministry of finance and economic planning, through standardized policies and structures, procedures, transparent and accountable, financial reporting statements and control pertaining to public money. There is a great need for further research in this area of public financial management. This may not be restricted to the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning only but to all other state ministries where the utilization of public money has already been established.

MAIR / Department of Development Studies

Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2005. / Recent years have seen new ideologies and political factors being introduced into the Sudanese political landscape. The new war in Darfur has revealed that the traditional North-South conflict is not necessarily a religious war but rather a war that goes beyond religion and ethnicity. Several factors underpin the civil wars in Sudan; principally disputes over religion, identity, inequality, resources, governance, self-determination, autonomy and secession. The attempt is therefore to define the various actors, factors and issues underlying both the North-South conflict and the new war in Darfur, and to analyse and compare the differences and similarities between the two wars. Both the conflicts in Southern Sudan and in Darfur have their origin in the decay of the Sudanese state and in both cases did political marginalisation resulted in political exclusion. Another resemblance between the two wars is the acute identity crisis that resulted from the long history of stratification and discrimination. Both warring groups want to reassert their distinguishing characteristics in the respective conflicts where ‘Arab’ and ‘African’ have distinctive meanings and are used as racial, cultural, and political identities. The third similarity between the South and Darfur is the ethnic cleansing tactics and policies the Sudanese government has adopted. The differences between these two wars is that Southern Sudan has developed into a war over national resources while Darfur does not share the same strategic commodities. The second is secession. The South started as a secessionist war while neither of the rebel groups in Darfur have demanded any form of self-determination. Darfur has also seen relatively timely international attention compared to Southern Sudan. Comparing the two conflicts do reveal that neither religion nor race is at the heart of Sudan’s wars. Instead, the root of the insurgencies is largely founded upon culturally and regionally imposed economic and political marginalisation coupled with the politicization of ethnic identities. The challenge for Sudan will be to create a new consciousness of common identity and a new meaning of belonging that grants peace, dignity, development and fundamental human rights.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Chinese national oil corporations have increased their foreign direct investments over the last decade in Africa, where the political environment of oil producing countries often expose the firms to high political risk. The analysis of political risk is increasingly relevant for the investment decision-making process of Chinese corporations, as changes in political dynamics of host countries can affect the opportunities and profitability of investments. The study emphasises the need for firm-specific political risk analysis as a decision-making tool for international businesses operating in foreign countries. The main research question of the study is concerned with the main indicators of political risk that Chinese corporations may face in the African oil and gas industry. Chinese oil corporations may be affected by political instability, international and internal conflict, corruption, and poor economic and social development in African countries. The political risk they face may be influenced by indicators such as the location of the oil operations, the relative importance of the Chinese oil firm to the host country’s oil industry, the competitive advantage and technical abilities of Chinese oil firms, the support of the Chinese government to state-owned firms, and economic relations that the host government have with China and the oil firm. The study follows a qualitative research approach by way of an empirical case study of the political risk faced by one of China’s national oil corporations, China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), in South Sudan. A major part of CNPC’s business operations in Sudan was transferred to South Sudan after the country seceded from Sudan in July 2011. The political risk for CNPC in South Sudan is analysed and measured in accordance with an industry-specific political risk model for the oil and gas industry. The study finds that CNPC faces a high level of political risk in South Sudan since independence. An examination of the political risk analysis is done to serve as a basis for answering the main research question. The hostile relationship between South Sudan and Sudan in particular may expose CNPC to high political risk as it led to the shutdown of the oil industry and violent interstate conflict. However, CNPC’s political risk exposure may be mitigated by certain indicators, such as CNPC’s significance in the operation of the South Sudanese oil industry, CNPC’s attributes of being a Chinese state-owned enterprise, the availability of support from the Chinese government in the form of economic cooperation packages and CNPC’s technical abilities in exploration operations. Furthermore, while negative sentiments on the part of the South Sudanese government towards China and CNPC due to the latter’s close relations with Sudan might expose CNPC to high risk, the risk is mitigated by the high level of economic dependency of South Sudan on both China and CNPC. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die laaste dekade het Chinese nasionale oliekorporasies hulle buitelandse direkte beleggings in Afrika uitgebrei. Die politieke omgewing van hierdie lande veroorsaak egter dikwels dat hierdie firmas aan hoë politieke risiko blootgestel word. Omdat politieke dinamiek in gasheerlande die geleenthede en winsgewendheid van beleggings kan affekteer, is die analise van politieke risiko toenemend relevant in die beleggingsbesluitnemingsproses van Chinese oliekorporasies. Die hoof-navorsingsvraag in hierdie studie handel oor die hoofindikatore van politieke risiko waaraan hierdie korporasies in Afrika se olie- en gasindustrie blootgestel kan word. Politieke onstabiliteit, internasionale en nasionale konflik, korrupsie, asook swak ekonomiese en sosiale ontwikkeling in Afrikalande kan Chinese oliekorporasies affekteer. Die politieke risiko waaraan hulle blootgestel word, kan beïnvloed word deur faktore soos die ligging van oliebedrywighede, die relatiewe belangrikheid van die Chinese oliekorporasie vir die gasheerland se olie-industrie, die kompeterende voordeel en tegniese vermoëns van die Chinese oliekorporasies, die Chinese regering se ondersteuning van staatskorporasies en die ekonomiese verhoudings wat die gasheerland met China en die oliefirmas het. Die studie volg ‘n kwalitatiewe navorsingsbenadering by wyse van ‘n empiriese gevallestudie van die politieke risiko waaraan een van China se nasionale oliekorporasies, China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), in Suid-Soedan blootgestel word. Sedert Suid-Soedan se onafhanklikheidswording in Julie 2011 is die grootste gedeelte van CNPC se bedrywighede in Soedan na Suid-Soedan oorgedra. Die politieke risiko vir CNPC is volgens ‘n industrie-spesifieke politieke risiko-model geanaliseer en bereken. Die studie toon dat CNPC inderdaad aan ‘n hoë vlak van politieke risiko blootgestel is sedert onafhanklikheid. Die politieke risiko-analise word ondersoek ten einde as basis te dien vir die beantwoording van die hoof-navorsingsvraag. In die besonder kan die vyandiggesinde verhouding tussen Suid-Soedan en Soedan CNPC blootstel aan hoë politieke risiko, onder andere vanweë die sluiting van die olie-industrie en die gewelddadige interstaat-konflik wat dit meegebring het. CNPC se blootstelling aan politieke risiko kan egter verminder word deur sekere faktore soos CNPC se beduidende belangrikheid in die bedryf van die Suid-Soedanese olieindustrie, CNPC se kenmerke as ‘n Chinese staatsonderneming, die beskikbaarheid van die ondersteuning van die Chinese regering in die vorm van ekonomiese samewerkingspakette asook CNPC se tegniese vermoëns in die veld van eksplorasiebedrywighede. Alhoewel die negatiewe sentiment in die Suid-Soedanese regering teenoor China en CNPC as gevolg van hulle noue verbintenis met Soedan vir CNPC aan hoë risiko kan blootstel, word hierdie risiko verminder deur Suid-Soedan se hoë vlak van ekonomiese afhanklikheid van CNPC en China.

Thesis (MPhil (Sustainable Development Planning and Management))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / Both Afghanistan and Sudan have experienced extended periods of war and violent conflict. Sudan has been engulfed in a nearly continuous and bitter civil war since independence in 1956. Afghanistan has been in a state of conflict since the Soviet invasion in 1979. Both nations are also among the poorest and least developed in the world. The article on Sudan addresses the interlinkages that exist between conflict and natural resources and how access to and unequal distribution of natural resources have triggered and fuelled violent conflict. In the case of Afghanistan, the article looks at the reasons for US military intervention in 2001 and analyses the reconstruction and development programmes devised by the international community in order to rebuild the country. Based on these, the article looks at the potential for creating a sustainable society in Afghanistan and putting in place an effective system of environmental governance. Although it is recognised that both countries have managed to address some of the causes of conflict, the articles also state that in both cases, the agreements that were signed between the warring parties are far from being comprehensive. This is illustrated by the fact that in Afghanistan, conflict with the Taliban has increased dramatically in recent months, and in Sudan, by the still ongoing conflict in Darfur. It is argued that in both countries the potential for promoting long-term sustainable development is limited not unrelated, in large measure, to the nature of the development agendas being imposed by external decision-makers. Financial institutions and other international development actors have played an instrumental role in devising these agendas. They are promoting development strategies mostly based on neo-liberal policies and reliant on market forces, despite the fact that these policies have, in the past, often failed to trigger economic growth and alleviate poverty. Finally, while issues relating to the management of natural resources, particularly those of global and strategic importance, receive a fair amount of attention in the development plans, environmental protection as such, is often lacking political and financial commitment.

This Study was conducted in Yei River County, Central Equatoria State the Republic of South Sudan from July-December/2012 under the topic: Examining the role of Local Government County Legislative Council in promoting service delivery. The Legislative Council in Yei was established since 2007 inaccordance with the provisions of the Transition Constitution of the Republic of South Sudan, 2011:166, LG Act, 2009:8-29 and Governors’ Decree dated 25/August/2007 with the mandate to enact laws and policies and supervise the Executive to implement its decisions. The study investigated into why there was under performance of Legislative Council in promoting service delivery in Yei River County (YRC) and how can service delivery be improved in YRC. The findings revealed that, the capacity of the Council is low in making appropriate decisions and supervising the Executive to implement its decisions, it lacks the necessary working requirements to facilitate its duties, some of its directives are not implemented by the Executive and negative attitudes towards the work of the Council by some members of the Executive. Despite the difficulties encountered, the Council was able to enact 31 laws, conducted some joint consultative meetings on County projects and the study recommended that, the relevant institutions of Local Government to review the irregularities in the Local Government Act of 2009 to regulate the duties of the Council and to guide the recruitment of the future Councillors, training of the Councillors to improve performance, improve the working conditions of the Council, conduct public awareness on the role of the Council and promotion of exchange programs for further learning purposes. The significance of this study is that, the topic was good according to the participants, the recommendations of the study may be adopted by the Local Government Authorities to address the identified gaps and challenges facing the Council not only in Yei River County but also in other parts of the Country and finally, the report may be used by the University of Fort Hare for further Academic purposes and/or other interested individuals/institutions or organizations of the same or similar objectives.