In this study, the manipulations of history and language in the dystopias of &ldquo / Nineteen Eighty-Four&rdquo / by George Orwell, &ldquo / We&rdquo / by Yevgeni Zamyatin and &ldquo / Brave New World&rdquo / by Aldous Huxley are examined. The principal aim of this investigation is to demonstrate that in these imaginary societies absolute stability is achieved through the manipulations of these two domains. The thesis argues that if the domains of history and language are not taken under control, they are to provide the subjects with the standard of comparisons which would enable them to realize that they are in fact dominated. However, once these domains are manipulated, they are transformed into the means of the dystopian rulers for mentally impoverishing people in a way that they would not be capable of conceiving the flaws within the system and therefore, would not attempt to challenge the order or require a change. In this sense, it is proposed that the subjects of these closed societies, who are formed as a result of the reshaping of history and language, would lack the mental capabilities to identify their subjection and behave automatically in the manner that is imposed on them by the political order. Moreover, in this study, the relationship of the genre dystopia with political theory is explored / it is indicated that dystopias are not only literary works, but rather they are also texts of social criticism containing certain warnings about the future course of events. Relying on this argument, it is claimed that such an invasion of the minds by the control over history and language in our three dystopias is the exaggerated version of the ideological relationships of the individuals to these two realms in the contemporary societies. Thus, having in mind that in the dystopias examined here the manipulations of history and language are the preconditions of the use of other realms (such as religion, sexuality and science), it is concluded that these texts enable modern individuals to see that in order to maintain a critical distance with the established political and social order, the multiplicity of linguistic resources and knowledge of history are very crucial.

The main aim of this diploma thesis is to find out how the Czech printed media face relatively new and complex phenomenon that emerged in the monetary sphere - virtual currency bitcoin. Through the means of quantitative content analysis, all printed titles showing relevant references to bitcoin between the years 2009 and 2016 were examined. The thesis is divided into several chapters. The theoretical part contains different media concepts dealing with the agenda-setting, the creation of a media portrayal and the construction of social reality through mass media. From a theoretical point of view, the cryptocurrency bitcoin was also subject for detailed analysis. The following methodological part of the thesis introduces the main objective of research, research questions and research design. The analytical part provides a clear overview of the results obtained, then interpreted and compared with predetermined hypothesis. The overview of collected findings about the media image of the virtual currency bitcoin in the Czech press are summarized in the conclusion. The thesis is the first paper to deal with the issues of the virtual currency bitcoin from the point of view of media discourse in the Czech Republic, and its ambition was to gather completely new information on this topic.

L’Afrique subsaharienne se présente, involontairement, comme une région en proie à une succession de crises, de conflits, de guerres civiles. Ces externalités négatives de l’instabilité socio-politique s’appréhendent, souvent, par le truchement du rite jaculatoire causal. D’où, les vocables « ethnies », « identité » – lorsqu’il n’est pas question de sous-développement, ou de l’injection du déficit démocratique –, auprès des commentateurs, sont, de façon cursive, convoqués pour expliquer le désordre perçu. Ainsi, les événements de 1994 au Rwanda sont ramenés à un conflit – « ethnique » – Hutu/Tutsi; négligeant par voie de conséquence l’acuité de la complexité de la réalité, ou à défaut, celle de la convergence de variables. Et pourtant, en descendant dans cette profondeur cognitive, tout observateur constaterait que l’instabilité socio-politique en Afrique subsaharienne reste une construction dans le temps et dans l’espace, optimisée par l’impénitent désir de pouvoir des acteurs politiques. Les structures historiques, loin d’être de véritables déterminants, participent à la construction sociale de la réalité porteuse d’idées, de règles et de pratiques représentationnelles qui érigent la nécessaire grammaire du bouleversement social. Nos présents travaux, non seulement, viennent examiner les causes habituellement avancées, mais s’opposent également aux arguments culturalistes mobilisés pour l’explication ou la compréhension de l’instabilité socio-politique en Afrique subsaharienne. C’est pourquoi, nous retenons que la justesse scientifique afférente à la compréhension du mouvement mécanistique socio-politique en Afrique subsaharienne est fonction du mode de connaissance de la réalité perçue. Par conséquent, nous estimons que l’instabilité socio-politique en Afrique subsaharienne, est un processus dynamique évolutif qui, nonobstant le désordre structurel, tend vers une stationnarité relative, puis absolue avant l’avènement de la stabilité. / Subsaharan Africa presents itself, involuntarily, like an area in the grip of a succession of crises, conflicts, civil wars. These negative externalities of sociopolitical instability are apprehended, often, by the means of the causal ritual. That's why, the terms "ethnic group", "identity" - when it isn't question of underdevelopment, or the injection of democratic deficit - near the commentators, in a cursory mention, are convened to explain the perceived disorder. Thus, the events of 1994 in Rwanda are brought back to a "ethnic" conflict Hutu/Tutsi; negleging consequently the acuity of the complexity of reality or failing this, that of the convergence of variables. And yet, while going down in this cognitive depth, any observer would note that sociopolitical instability in subsaharan Africa remains a construction in time and space, optimized by the unrepentant desire of power of the political actors. The historical structures, far from being true determinants, take part in the social construction of reality carrying ideas, rules, and practices representational which set up the necessary grammar of the social upheaval. Our present work, not only comes to examine the usually advanced causes, but is also opposed to the culturalist arguments mobilized for the explanation or the comprehension of sociopolitical instability in subsaharan Africa. This is why, we retain that the scientific accuracy related with the comprehension of sociopolitical mechanisitc movement in subsaharan Africa is function of the mode of knowledge of perceived reality. Consequently, we estimate that sociopolitical instability in subsaharan Africa, is an evolutionary dynamic process which, notwhithstanding, the strutural disorder, strives for a relative stationnarity, then absolute before the advent of stability.