Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / During the late 1960s and early 1970s, the polluted Great Lakes became a central focus of the North American environmental movement. A majority of this pollution stemmed from phosphate-based laundry detergent use, which had become the primary product households used to wash fabrics after World War II. The large volume of phosphorus in these detergents discharged into the lakes caused excess growths of algae to form in waterways, which turned green and smelly. As the algae died off, it reduced the oxygen in the water, making it less habitable for fish and other aquatic life, a process known as eutrophication. As primary consumers of laundry detergents during the time period, women, particularly white, middle-class housewives in the United States and Canada, became involved in state/provincial, national, and international discussions involving ecology, water pollution, and sewage treatment alongside scientists, politicians, and government officials. Their work as volunteers, activists, and lobbyists influencing the debate and ensuing policies on how best to abate this type of pollution, known as eutrophication, has often been ignored. This thesis recognizes the work women completed encouraging the enactment of key water quality regulations and popularizing the basic tenets of environmentally-conscious consumption practices during the environmental movement in the early 1970s.

Cancelkultur kan beskrivas som kulturell ostracism och har kommit att bli ett omdebatterat Ämne i Sverige och övriga västvärlden, detta till följd av människors skilda åsikter om dess innebörd och betydelse. Syftet med denna studie är att belysa hur fenomenet cancelkultur skildras och diskuteras i svenska opinionsartiklar. Studien tar sin ansats i Norman Faircloughs kritiska diskursanalys för att synliggöra på vilket sätt opinionsjournalister konstruerar bilden av cancelkultur och vilka diskurser som är närvarande. Med hjälp av Faircloughs tredimensionella modell har tre artiklar djupare analyserats för att undersöka om dessa reproducerar eller utmanar den rådande diskursordningen. Resultatet visar att det pågår en diskursiv kamp om hur begreppet cancelkultur framställs och får sin betydelse. Utöver den pågående kampen visar resultatet att journalisterna åberopar, i en svensk kontext, förgivettagen kunskap för att visa på textens legitimitet.

Although the United States is the world's leading consumer nation, limited empirical research exists on the relationship between consumer choices and political participation. This study provides the first quantitative analysis of the demographic characteristics, motivations, and political activities of political and ethical consumers in the United States. Ethical consumers are broadly defined as socially responsible consumers including the subset of political consumers. Political consumers, while also socially responsible, are primarily concerned with achievement of political or social change through purchasing decisions. While political and ethical consumers engage in similar behaviors, the distinguishing factor between the two is motivation. Participation in both political and ethical consumerism is measured through buycotting (intentionally purchasing) or boycotting (intentionally abstaining from purchasing) of particular products or companies. Based on data from the 2002 National Civic Engagement Survey II, this study finds income and education significantly predict participation in political and ethical consumerism, while race and gender do not. Across political parties, the stronger a respondents' political affiliation, the less likely they are to boycott or buycott. This study also finds the primary motivation of participation for 80 percent of boycotters and buycotters is altruistic (ethical consumerism) rather than the achievement of political objectives (political consumerism). Additionally, political and ethical consumers indicate little belief in the ability for their purchases to alter business practices and do not consider their actions a part of organized campaigns. Political and ethical consumers are politically active and individuals who contact public officials, protest, and sign email or written petitions are significantly more likely to boycott or buycott than those who do not. In lieu of these findings, suggestions are offered to consumer-activist groups and social change organizations concerning rationales of consumer motivation and political engagement in the hopes this information will be utilized to mobilize a broader base of citizen-consumers. / Ph. D.

This thesis explores how online gaming has become a central tool for networked social movements to participate in consumer activism. I look at the case study of MapleStory: a Korean MMORPG game and their consumer activism efforts started by the players. Migrating from different social media channels to organize, coordinate and strategize ways to create change within their group, through using consumeractivism techniques such as boycotting, protesting and spreading information. I framed this group as an early example of a networked social movements and analyzed their usage of social groups to spread activism messages. Through the internet and new technologies members were able to find their own political voices and teach others how to protest for social change. I also concentrated on the social aspect of these communities and how they fostered social bonds through collective action and participation. I argue that online gaming has become a platform that enables consumers to protest against a company’smal practices by utilizing their positions as consumers of a product.

En s’inspirant de l’exemple des défis corporatifs, c’est-à-dire, des initiatives déployées par les sociétés pour rendre le marché de l’emploi plus accessible aux membres de groupes perçus comme marginalisés, ce mémoire cherche à analyser le conflit qui pourrait surgir au Québec entre le droit à la vie privé, protégé notamment par la Loi sur la protection des renseignements personnels dans le secteur privé et la Loi sur la protection des renseignements personnels et des documents électroniques et le besoin croissant de l’entreprise d’utiliser les données privées de leurs employés pour vendre leurs biens et services. Dans un premier temps, ce mémoire effectue un survol des régimes de protection de la vie privée des pays qui ont le plus influencé le droit québécois et canadien soit l’Europe, les États-Unis et le Royaume Uni en soulignant leur influence sur le régime en vigueur au Québec. Dans un second temps, il soulève les entraves que posent la LPRPS et la LPRPDE à la participation de l’entreprise aux défis corporatifs. Dans un troisième temps, il explore des pistes possibles à la fois interprétatives, législatives et contentieuses afin de rendre ces lois plus accommodantes aux besoins de l’entreprise. / This essay uses the example of Industry Challenges - a technique deployed by companies to promote the hiring and advancement of certain members of society - to explore a conflict that could arise in Quebec between the individual’s right to privacy as protected by An Act Respecting the Protection of Personal Information In the Private Sector and the Personal Information Protection and Electronic Documents Act , and that of an organisation to use personal information relating to its workforce to market itself. It briefly reviews privacy protection in jurisdictions with the greatest legal influence on Quebec and Canada: the European Union, the United States and the United Kingdom (Chapter 2). It demonstrates how a blend of these influences is reflected in the Quebec and Canadian approaches to privacy and how existing privacy legislation might prevent a company from effectively and efficiently responding to Industry Challenges (Chapter 3). Finally, the last two chapters respectively explore the interpretive and legislative amendments that could be made to PPIPS and PIPEDA to enable companies to respond to Industry Challenges (Chapter 4) as well as the possible legal action a company could take on the ground that Quebec’s privacy legislation violates its right to express itself commercially under s. 2(b) of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms (Chapter 5).

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