This dissertation examines how contentious collective action in two post communist states, Poland and the Czech Republic, has broadened to include European and international actors. It identifies the emergence of new opportunities for contention brought about by recent episodes of institutional change, specifically EU accession, and questions how they benefit materially or politically weak NGOs. With the intention of determining how three interrelated processes, democratization, Europeanization and internationalization, affect the nature and scope of contentious politics, this dissertation carries out an investigation of several concrete episodes of political mobilization and contention. As shown these 'contentious events' involved a myriad of national, European and international actors, mobilizing to challenge national policy. Data from NGO questionnaires, interviews and newswire/newspaper archives are used to discern the nature and scope of contentious collective action. This dissertation assesses the extent to which transnationalization of advocacy politics has disrupted existing power arrangements at the national level between NGOs and government. Hypothesizing that European Union accession in 2004 changed the nature and scope of contentious collective action in post communist Europe, this dissertation undertakes a comparative empirical examination of three sectors, environment, women and Roma, and twenty-nine representative NGOs. My research identifies three important developments in the Polish and Czech nonprofit sector: first, European advocacy networks and institutions are helping national NGOs overcome power disparities at the national level; second, issues once confined to national political space have acquired a European dimension, and; third, despite Europeanization, a few notable policy issues (i.e. reproductive rights, nuclear energy and domestic violence) remain firmly under national jurisdiction. This dissertation contributes to existing collective action/post communist scholarship in three ways. It applies established theories of contention/collective action to several recent episodes of political mobilization; it confirms that post accession institutional change does offer new political opportunity structures to national NGOs, and finally; it presents new empirical research on post communist collective action.

An investigation of contentious action by associations representing six occupational groups at different socio-economic levels reveals that middle-class groups tend to favor contentious means of making demands such as demonstrations and strikes, while lower-class groups tend to avoid contentious action, preferring more institutionalized or contained means. While such findings might appear to be puzzling given middle-class groups’ superior access to state institutions and the Habermasian concept of a rational, orderly, bourgeois public sphere, they are consistent with the literature on resource mobilization and social movements in the West: Access to financial resources and strong mobilizing structures enables the middle-class groups to take advantage of a political opportunity structure that rewards contentious action. / text

Faced with the profound social and ecological threats posed by extractivist projects such as large hydroelectric dams, wind farms, and mining operations, many indigenous communities and their allies in Mexico have articulated new forms of contentious politics into a broad territorial defense movement. This project explores the strategies of contention practiced by an anti-mining movement based in the Municipality of San José del Progreso in the southern state of Oaxaca. As a deeply-divided community that has suffered increased violence and conflict directly related to a Canadian-owned gold and silver mine operating in its vicinity, it presents a valuable case study in how strong social movements can still develop under conditions of disunity. This study combines ethnographic and archival research methods to uncover the deep historical roots of community division, and to develop a close analysis of the contentious strategies employed by the anti-mining movement. The historical record and local narratives show the central role that hacienda colonialism played in creating a salient geography of ethnic discrimination and division in the municipality whose effects can still be seen today. In response to the ongoing processes of colonization and dispossession in San José del Progreso, a legacy of contention has defined and defended both campesino (peasant farmer) and indigenous claims to local territory. More than a series of instrumental strategies designed to expel the hacienda and later mine project, this politics of contention operates as a form of social memory to produce a hybrid form of indigenous/campesino identity linked to healthy land stewardship, an interconnectedness between the earth and human subjects, and a shared history of struggle. As a result, the anti-mining movement in San José del Progreso has shown success in converting its troubled past and checkered present into the foundations of a healthy social and ecological commons, independent of its failure to fully-unite the municipality or close down the mine project in the short-run. / text

How do authoritarian stales foster civil society growth while keeping unruly organizations in line? This governance dilemma dogs every state that attempts to modernize by permitting civil society to pluralize while minding its potential to stir up restive social forces. This dissertation's main finding is that the Chinese party state the world's largest and arguably the most resilient authoritarian regime-has engineered a flexible institution of state control in which the "rules of the game" arc created, disseminated, and enforced outside of institutionalized channels. This dissertation demonstrates how the coercive apparatus improvises in an erratic manner, unfettered by accountability mechanisms. The regime does not necessarily pull the levers of hard control mechanisms-the tanks, guns, and tear gas-whenever dissenters cross a line of political acceptability. Instead, in keeping with its decentralized political system and its tradition of experimental policy-making, the Chinese state continually remakes the rules of the game which keeps potential rabble-rousers on their toes. Although the regulatory skeleton of state corporatism remains intact, flexible repression is the informal institution-the set of rules and procedures-that structures state-civil society interactions. Specifically, this institution is made up of three key practices: a) decentralization b) ad-hoc deployment c) mixed control strategies. These three practices manifest in two concrete strategies used to govern aboveground and underground civil society: fragmented coercion and controlled competition. Flexible repression enables the Chinese party-state to exploit the advantages of a flourishing third sector while curtailing its threatening potential. Through participant observation, interviews, and comparative case studies of aboveground and underground independent labor organizations, this dissertation accomplishes three goals. First, it identifies the within-country variation in state control strategies over civil society, which includes the above-ground sector as well as the underground sector of ostensibly banned organizations. Secondly, it traces the patterns of interactions between the state and civil society, generating hypotheses about the mechanisms of change. Finally, it identifies new concepts relevant for studying organized contention in authoritarian regime.. .... Overall, this dissertation contributes to the study of authoritarian state control and civil society contention, with an emphasis on the nexus between the two.

The rapid expansion of oil palm plantations throughout Indonesia has resulted in a range of environmental and social consequences, including dispossessing rural people of their land. But these people are not accepting the infringements passively. As oil palm plantations have expanded and spread, so have instances of oil palm-related protest and resistance. In almost all accounts of oil palm, however, women and gender relations are overlooked. This thesis examines the role of women and gender relations in oil palm expansion and resistance in Indonesia today. Using a combination of secondary literature (specifically, the fields of agrarian political economy, feminist political ecology and contentious politics) and primary data, this thesis provides both a new case study and a new way - through the lens of gender - of understanding oil palm expansion and resistance in Indonesia. At the heart of this research study are the voices, opinions and experiences of 42 women who participated in one protest against dispossession in Sambas district, Indonesia. Emphasizing the role of these women in their households, communities and in this protest, as well as the gender relations that shape and are shaped by the women’s participation at all of these levels, this study offers new analysis of who is impacted by oil palm expansion, who resists it and in what ways. The Sambas case study demonstrates how gender relations shape all stages and facets of a protest, from womenʼs decisions to participate in protest (by informing their motivations and political opportunities) to womenʼs protest activities and how women experience protest outcomes. It also reveals how at all stages of mobilization, gender relations are not fixed. Rather, gender relations themselves may also be shaped by and through womenʼs participation in protest. This study has far-reaching implications not only for the future of oil palm expansion and resistance, but on women’s participation in protest, in politics in general and on gender relations.

Esta dissertação se insere nos estudos sobre os resultados políticos da execução conjunta de políticas públicas entre Estado e movimentos sociais. Busca compreender como as organizações sociais de abrangência nacional têm executado a produção habitacional autogestionária permitida pelo Programa Crédito Solidário. Parte da hipótese de que a execução do Programa estaria mudando o modo de ação dos movimentos na Região Metropolitana de Porto Alegre (RMPA), pois os movimentos estariam abandonando o confronto político e substituindo-o pela cooperação com o Estado, o que indicaria uma tendência à institucionalização. Nossa questão central, portanto, seria: como os movimentos sociais incorporaram a política pública que reivindicaram? No entanto, a pergunta que estrutura o trabalho foi construída no âmbito do confronto político: no que consistem os repertórios de ação dos movimentos para por em prática a execução do Programa na RMPA? Seu desenvolvimento fundamenta-se no estudo de três casos de produção habitacional ligados aos movimentos que reivindicaram a política em nível nacional e, ao mesmo tempo, empreenderam na RMPA. Os movimentos em questão são: Central dos movimentos Populares (CMP), Confederação Nacional de Associações de Moradores (CONAM) e Movimento Nacional de Luta pela Moradia (MNLM). / This dissertation inserts itself into the body of studies about the political results of the joint implementation of public policies by the State and social movements. It seeks to understand how social organizations of national scope have been implementing self-managed housing production as allowed by the Programa Crédito Solidário. It starts from the hypothesis that the implementation of the Program would be changing the mode of action of movements from the Metropolitan Region of Porto Alegre (MRPA), as movements would be abandoning political confrontation and substituting it for cooperation with the state, what could indicate a trend towards institutionalization. Our central question, then, would be: how do social movements incorporate the public policy they demanded? However, the question that structures this work was built within the scope of contentious politics theory: what are the action repertoires of movements for putting in practice the implementation of the Program in MRPA consisted of? Its development is based on the study of three cases of housing production linked to the movements that demanded a national level policy and at the same time acted in the MRPA. The movements in question are: Central dos movimentos Populares (CMP), Confederação Nacional de Associações de Moradores (CONAM) e Movimento Nacional de Luta pela Moradia (MNLM).

Submitted by José sobreiro filho (sobreirounesp@gmail.com) on 2016-09-20T16:55:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE_SOBREIRO_190916.pdf: 14156754 bytes, checksum: 42d2893bd28b01c852ada1a0c64f2158 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Paula Grisoto (grisotoana@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-09-20T18:42:51Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 sobreirofilho_j_dr_prud.pdf: 14156754 bytes, checksum: 42d2893bd28b01c852ada1a0c64f2158 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-20T18:42:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 sobreirofilho_j_dr_prud.pdf: 14156754 bytes, checksum: 42d2893bd28b01c852ada1a0c64f2158 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-16 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / Neste trabalho, apresentamos um conjunto de reflexões cujo objetivo é de contribuir para a construção de uma teoria geográfica sobre movimentos socioespaciais e contentious politics. Assim, partimos dos principais conceitos geográficos (espaço, território, rede, lugar e escala) e das reflexões sobre movimentos socioespaciais e socioterritoriais, contentious politics, socio-spatial posicionality, convergence space e terrains of resistance, bem como da teoria da produção do espaço, para apresentar um modelo explicativo eminentemente geográfico. Tempo e espaço apresentam-se indissociáveis desde o remontar histórico dos conflitos até a própria análise dos conflitos contemporâneos. Por fim, o desfecho deste trabalho tem a nossa contribuição teórica, denominada por lógica-racionalidade espaço-temporal, lastreada na análise movimentos socioespaciais e casos de contentious politics no Brasil e Argentina. / In this thesis, we present a set of reflections whose objective is to contribute to the construction of a geographical theory of socio-spatial movements and contentious politics. Hence we set out and use the key geographical concepts (space, territory, network, place and scale) and reflections on socio-spatial and socio-territorial movements, contentious politics, socio-spatial positionality, convergence space and terrains of resistance, as well as the theory of production of space to present an eminently geographic explanatory model. Time and space are presented as inseparable from the history of the conflict as well in the analysis of contemporary conflicts. Finally, the outcome of this work is our theoretical contribution, called spatial-time logic-rationality, based in the analysis of the socio-spatial movements and cases of contentious politics in Brazil and Argentina. / FAPESP: 2013/22180-0

Esta dissertação se insere nos estudos sobre os resultados políticos da execução conjunta de políticas públicas entre Estado e movimentos sociais. Busca compreender como as organizações sociais de abrangência nacional têm executado a produção habitacional autogestionária permitida pelo Programa Crédito Solidário. Parte da hipótese de que a execução do Programa estaria mudando o modo de ação dos movimentos na Região Metropolitana de Porto Alegre (RMPA), pois os movimentos estariam abandonando o confronto político e substituindo-o pela cooperação com o Estado, o que indicaria uma tendência à institucionalização. Nossa questão central, portanto, seria: como os movimentos sociais incorporaram a política pública que reivindicaram? No entanto, a pergunta que estrutura o trabalho foi construída no âmbito do confronto político: no que consistem os repertórios de ação dos movimentos para por em prática a execução do Programa na RMPA? Seu desenvolvimento fundamenta-se no estudo de três casos de produção habitacional ligados aos movimentos que reivindicaram a política em nível nacional e, ao mesmo tempo, empreenderam na RMPA. Os movimentos em questão são: Central dos movimentos Populares (CMP), Confederação Nacional de Associações de Moradores (CONAM) e Movimento Nacional de Luta pela Moradia (MNLM). / This dissertation inserts itself into the body of studies about the political results of the joint implementation of public policies by the State and social movements. It seeks to understand how social organizations of national scope have been implementing self-managed housing production as allowed by the Programa Crédito Solidário. It starts from the hypothesis that the implementation of the Program would be changing the mode of action of movements from the Metropolitan Region of Porto Alegre (MRPA), as movements would be abandoning political confrontation and substituting it for cooperation with the state, what could indicate a trend towards institutionalization. Our central question, then, would be: how do social movements incorporate the public policy they demanded? However, the question that structures this work was built within the scope of contentious politics theory: what are the action repertoires of movements for putting in practice the implementation of the Program in MRPA consisted of? Its development is based on the study of three cases of housing production linked to the movements that demanded a national level policy and at the same time acted in the MRPA. The movements in question are: Central dos movimentos Populares (CMP), Confederação Nacional de Associações de Moradores (CONAM) e Movimento Nacional de Luta pela Moradia (MNLM).

Esta dissertação se insere nos estudos sobre os resultados políticos da execução conjunta de políticas públicas entre Estado e movimentos sociais. Busca compreender como as organizações sociais de abrangência nacional têm executado a produção habitacional autogestionária permitida pelo Programa Crédito Solidário. Parte da hipótese de que a execução do Programa estaria mudando o modo de ação dos movimentos na Região Metropolitana de Porto Alegre (RMPA), pois os movimentos estariam abandonando o confronto político e substituindo-o pela cooperação com o Estado, o que indicaria uma tendência à institucionalização. Nossa questão central, portanto, seria: como os movimentos sociais incorporaram a política pública que reivindicaram? No entanto, a pergunta que estrutura o trabalho foi construída no âmbito do confronto político: no que consistem os repertórios de ação dos movimentos para por em prática a execução do Programa na RMPA? Seu desenvolvimento fundamenta-se no estudo de três casos de produção habitacional ligados aos movimentos que reivindicaram a política em nível nacional e, ao mesmo tempo, empreenderam na RMPA. Os movimentos em questão são: Central dos movimentos Populares (CMP), Confederação Nacional de Associações de Moradores (CONAM) e Movimento Nacional de Luta pela Moradia (MNLM). / This dissertation inserts itself into the body of studies about the political results of the joint implementation of public policies by the State and social movements. It seeks to understand how social organizations of national scope have been implementing self-managed housing production as allowed by the Programa Crédito Solidário. It starts from the hypothesis that the implementation of the Program would be changing the mode of action of movements from the Metropolitan Region of Porto Alegre (MRPA), as movements would be abandoning political confrontation and substituting it for cooperation with the state, what could indicate a trend towards institutionalization. Our central question, then, would be: how do social movements incorporate the public policy they demanded? However, the question that structures this work was built within the scope of contentious politics theory: what are the action repertoires of movements for putting in practice the implementation of the Program in MRPA consisted of? Its development is based on the study of three cases of housing production linked to the movements that demanded a national level policy and at the same time acted in the MRPA. The movements in question are: Central dos movimentos Populares (CMP), Confederação Nacional de Associações de Moradores (CONAM) e Movimento Nacional de Luta pela Moradia (MNLM).

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-03-13T12:05:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 gustavopaccellidacosta.pdf: 1707711 bytes, checksum: 8d8acba5a84ca3932d89104aea06e2fe (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-03-13T19:20:37Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 gustavopaccellidacosta.pdf: 1707711 bytes, checksum: 8d8acba5a84ca3932d89104aea06e2fe (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-13T19:20:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 gustavopaccellidacosta.pdf: 1707711 bytes, checksum: 8d8acba5a84ca3932d89104aea06e2fe (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-10-21 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O presente trabalho é uma investigação que tem como objeto de análise um fenômeno recente na realidade social brasileira: as manifestações de junho de 2013. Este estudo se envereda por uma análise conjuntural das causas e efeitos do confronto político ocorrido no Brasil em junho de 2013. Identifica-se os principais atores envolvidos durante as manifestações e o confronto proveniente entre elementos da sociedade civil e sistema político. Salientamos que para a análise de tal fenômeno recorremos à vasta literatura responsável pelo tema da ação coletiva e dos movimentos sociais. Compreende-se que as causas de junho de 2013 estão inseridas em um contexto de indignação coletiva que envolveram movimentos sociais, atores políticos, mídia e pessoas comuns. Com efeito, os protestos revelaram formas de ativismo com inúmeras práticas que estão inseridas em uma ideologia de grupo, numa identidade fixa ou passageira, em um contexto estrutural ou histórico, como também em formas de contestação pública, onde o confronto político está culturalmente inscrito e é socialmente comunicado. Assim, de acordo com este estudo, interpretar junho de 2013 representa um exercício teórico e incansável de entender quais os sentidos do ativismo social e da ação coletiva na contemporaneidade e as consequências que tais manifestações geraram na sociedade e na agenda política brasileira. / This work is an investigation that has as its object of analysis a recent phenomenon in the Brazilian social reality: the manifestations of June 2013. This study is appealing to a situational analysis of the causes and effects of political confrontation occurred in Brazil in June 2013. Identifies the main actors involved during the demonstrations and the coming confrontation between elements of civil society and political system. We emphasize that for the analysis of this phenomenon we used the vast literature responsible for the issue of collective action and social movements. It is understood that the causes of June 2013 are inserted in a context of collective outrage involving social movements, political actors, media and ordinary people. Indeed, the protests have revealed forms of activism with numerous practices that are embedded in a group ideology, a fixed or temporary identity in a structural or historical context, as well as in public protest forms, where the political confrontation is culturally inscribed and socially statement. Thus, according to this study, interpret June 2013 is a theoretical and tireless exercise to understand which way social activism and collective action in contemporary society and the consequences that these events have generated in society and the Brazilian political agenda.