There is a clear relationship between motherhood and space in the sense that motherhood is constituted spatially, taking specific and shifting forms in different spaces and because gendered geographies are made, remade or contested in terms of how women practise motherhood and other social identities in particular spaces. The meanings of motherhood are subject to constant renegotiation when gender identity is lived and constructed in times of hardship, political change or upheaval. Over the last few decades, Nicaragua has experienced dictatorship, insurrection, revolution, Contra war, more than a decade of neoliberal structural adjustment policies and a number of disasters including Hurricane Mitch which hit Nicaragua in October 1998. The social and cultural context in which women mother is a complex one. Family life is unstable and fluid and Nicaragua has large numbers of single mothers. However, a number of institutional actors have attempted to undermine this complexity by trying to fix the meanings of motherhood, family, femininity, masculinity and sexuality in simplified and reified ways. These attempts contribute to the pervasiveness of dominant discourses of motherhood. In many ways, everyday practices of motherhood are at odds with dominant discourses and the goal of this thesis is to broaden understandings of the way motherhood intersects with other cultural processes in particular spaces and of how women negotiate competing facets of multiple identities. Based on qualitative research conducted in Matagalpa with a group of single mothers, this thesis explores a number of arenas in which women negotiate motherhood, including family breakdown, revolution and counterrevolution, structural adjustment and disaster, and demonstrates how everyday practices challenge dominant understandings. Given that individuals participate in a number of discursive practices simultaneously, the intersection of dominant discourses and everyday practices work to create specific geographies of mothering. This means for example that women might adopt more masculine subject positions in relation to work and family while engaging in maternal politics in the political sphere or that male violence towards women can be condemned and single motherhood adopted as a positive form of identity assertion while uneasiness is expressed about the absence of fathers in children’s lives. By contextualising the conditions in which women mother and focusing on how individual women feel about and reflect upon their lives, this study illustrates the multiple dimensions of motherhood which exist within Nicaraguan culture and the contradictions faced by women who mother in sites of intense cultural struggle. This study has important implications for the epistemological transformation that is taking place within feminist geography in particular and within human geography more broadly. Motherhood has the discursive power to shape and define gender identities, but it can also be used to unsettle or destabilise gender and sexuality in material and discursive space.

Entre 1808 e 1814, a monarquia hispânica foi acometida por uma grande crise. O território peninsular espanhol foi ocupado por tropas francesas e, com isso, o legítimo monarca espanhol, Fernando VII, foi sequestrado por ordem de Napoleão Bonaparte e o trono hispânico passou para as mãos do irmão do imperador francês, José Bonaparte. Como consequência desses fatos, a crise do Antigo Regime espanhol foi acelerada por uma série de eventos intimamente ligada à ocupação francesa. A resistência espanhola, após as vicissitudes dos embates contra os franceses, organizou-se na cidade de Cádis, onde as mais diversas forças políticas se uniram para combater o inimigo francês e reorganizar os vínculos com os territórios do ultramar. Nesse sentido, durante os anos iniciais do século XIX espanhol, ao mesmo tempo em que se configurava uma nova Espanha, com características modernas através, entre outros motivos, do debate constitucional existente nas Cortes de Cádis (1810- 1814) , o império hispânico era acometido pelos primeiros levantes autonomistas americanos. No ano de 1810, foram convocadas Cortes, que deveriam contar com a presença de representantes escolhidos pelos americanos. Naquele mesmo ano, os deputados eleitos, tanto na península como no ultramar, para as Cortes reunidas em Cádis iniciaram o processo de debate constitucional que, em 1812, culminou no texto da Constituição de Cádis. Essa pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar como os grupos tradicionalistas, identificados como servis, viram o processo de crise do império hispânico por meio da publicação de dois periódicos editados ao longo dos anos de 1811 a 1815, buscando compreender como a crise do império hispânico foi apresentada nesses jornais. A categoria servil surgiu, nos debates públicos realizados na imprensa, para qualificar os opositores dos liberais espanhóis. Servis e liberais defenderam, na maior parte das vezes, posições distintas tanto nas Cortes quanto na imprensa. O grupo antiliberal estava ligado ao tradicionalismo espanhol e era contrário às transformações sugeridas pelos liberais. Diante disso, serão analisados dois periódicos classificados como servis: El Censor General e El Procurador General de la Nación y del Rey, buscando sistematizar as nuances existentes entre os servis a partir da problemática americana. / Between 1808 and 1814, the Spanish Monarchy faced a great crisis. The peninsular territory was occupied by French troops, thereby Napoleon Bonaparte kidnapped the legitimate Spanish monarch, Ferdinand VII, and placed his brother, Joseph Bonaparte on the Spanish throne. Consequently, the crisis of the Ancient Regime in Spain was hastened by a sequence of events closely related to the French occupation. The Spanish resistance, following the circumstances of the conflict against the french, gathered in the city of Cádiz, where a diversity of political forces were united to fight the french enemy and reorganize the bonds with the ultramarine dominion. Therefore, during the first years of the 19th century, while a new Spain was taking shape, developing modern characteristics through, among other means, the constitutional debate in the Cádiz Cortes (1810-1814) , the Spanish empire was shaken by the first American autonomist revolts. In 1810, the Cortes were summoned up, and they should consider the presence of representatives chosen by American provinces. In this same year, the elected deputies both in American and in the Peninsula, began the constitutional debate in the Cádiz Cortes that in the next year, would result it the Cádiz Constitution. The present research objective is to analyze the manner in which traditionalist groups, identified as servils, beheld the crisis process of the Spanish empire through the edition of two papers published between 1811 and 1815. Our aim is to understand how the Spanish Empire crisis was presented in both these journals. The denomination servil appeared, in the public debates of the press, to label the opponents of the Spanish liberals. Servile and liberals usually advocated opposite positions not only in the Constitutional Assembly but also in the press. The anti-liberal group was associated to the Spanish traditionalism and opposed the changes suggested by the liberals. Bearing this in mind, two periodicals, classified as servils, will be analyzed: El Censor General and El Procurador General de la Nación y de Rey, trying to trace the different nuances among the servils regarding the American question.

Entre 1808 e 1814, a monarquia hispânica foi acometida por uma grande crise. O território peninsular espanhol foi ocupado por tropas francesas e, com isso, o legítimo monarca espanhol, Fernando VII, foi sequestrado por ordem de Napoleão Bonaparte e o trono hispânico passou para as mãos do irmão do imperador francês, José Bonaparte. Como consequência desses fatos, a crise do Antigo Regime espanhol foi acelerada por uma série de eventos intimamente ligada à ocupação francesa. A resistência espanhola, após as vicissitudes dos embates contra os franceses, organizou-se na cidade de Cádis, onde as mais diversas forças políticas se uniram para combater o inimigo francês e reorganizar os vínculos com os territórios do ultramar. Nesse sentido, durante os anos iniciais do século XIX espanhol, ao mesmo tempo em que se configurava uma nova Espanha, com características modernas através, entre outros motivos, do debate constitucional existente nas Cortes de Cádis (1810- 1814) , o império hispânico era acometido pelos primeiros levantes autonomistas americanos. No ano de 1810, foram convocadas Cortes, que deveriam contar com a presença de representantes escolhidos pelos americanos. Naquele mesmo ano, os deputados eleitos, tanto na península como no ultramar, para as Cortes reunidas em Cádis iniciaram o processo de debate constitucional que, em 1812, culminou no texto da Constituição de Cádis. Essa pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar como os grupos tradicionalistas, identificados como servis, viram o processo de crise do império hispânico por meio da publicação de dois periódicos editados ao longo dos anos de 1811 a 1815, buscando compreender como a crise do império hispânico foi apresentada nesses jornais. A categoria servil surgiu, nos debates públicos realizados na imprensa, para qualificar os opositores dos liberais espanhóis. Servis e liberais defenderam, na maior parte das vezes, posições distintas tanto nas Cortes quanto na imprensa. O grupo antiliberal estava ligado ao tradicionalismo espanhol e era contrário às transformações sugeridas pelos liberais. Diante disso, serão analisados dois periódicos classificados como servis: El Censor General e El Procurador General de la Nación y del Rey, buscando sistematizar as nuances existentes entre os servis a partir da problemática americana. / Between 1808 and 1814, the Spanish Monarchy faced a great crisis. The peninsular territory was occupied by French troops, thereby Napoleon Bonaparte kidnapped the legitimate Spanish monarch, Ferdinand VII, and placed his brother, Joseph Bonaparte on the Spanish throne. Consequently, the crisis of the Ancient Regime in Spain was hastened by a sequence of events closely related to the French occupation. The Spanish resistance, following the circumstances of the conflict against the french, gathered in the city of Cádiz, where a diversity of political forces were united to fight the french enemy and reorganize the bonds with the ultramarine dominion. Therefore, during the first years of the 19th century, while a new Spain was taking shape, developing modern characteristics through, among other means, the constitutional debate in the Cádiz Cortes (1810-1814) , the Spanish empire was shaken by the first American autonomist revolts. In 1810, the Cortes were summoned up, and they should consider the presence of representatives chosen by American provinces. In this same year, the elected deputies both in American and in the Peninsula, began the constitutional debate in the Cádiz Cortes that in the next year, would result it the Cádiz Constitution. The present research objective is to analyze the manner in which traditionalist groups, identified as servils, beheld the crisis process of the Spanish empire through the edition of two papers published between 1811 and 1815. Our aim is to understand how the Spanish Empire crisis was presented in both these journals. The denomination servil appeared, in the public debates of the press, to label the opponents of the Spanish liberals. Servile and liberals usually advocated opposite positions not only in the Constitutional Assembly but also in the press. The anti-liberal group was associated to the Spanish traditionalism and opposed the changes suggested by the liberals. Bearing this in mind, two periodicals, classified as servils, will be analyzed: El Censor General and El Procurador General de la Nación y de Rey, trying to trace the different nuances among the servils regarding the American question.

There is a clear relationship between motherhood and space in the sense that motherhood is constituted spatially, taking specific and shifting forms in different spaces and because gendered geographies are made, remade or contested in terms of how women practise motherhood and other social identities in particular spaces. The meanings of motherhood are subject to constant renegotiation when gender identity is lived and constructed in times of hardship, political change or upheaval. Over the last few decades, Nicaragua has experienced dictatorship, insurrection, revolution, Contra war, more than a decade of neoliberal structural adjustment policies and a number of disasters including Hurricane Mitch which hit Nicaragua in October 1998. The social and cultural context in which women mother is a complex one. Family life is unstable and fluid and Nicaragua has large numbers of single mothers. However, a number of institutional actors have attempted to undermine this complexity by trying to fix the meanings of motherhood, family, femininity, masculinity and sexuality in simplified and reified ways. These attempts contribute to the pervasiveness of dominant discourses of motherhood. In many ways, everyday practices of motherhood are at odds with dominant discourses and the goal of this thesis is to broaden understandings of the way motherhood intersects with other cultural processes in particular spaces and of how women negotiate competing facets of multiple identities. Based on qualitative research conducted in Matagalpa with a group of single mothers, this thesis explores a number of arenas in which women negotiate motherhood, including family breakdown, revolution and counterrevolution, structural adjustment and disaster, and demonstrates how everyday practices challenge dominant understandings. Given that individuals participate in a number of discursive practices simultaneously, the intersection of dominant discourses and everyday practices work to create specific geographies of mothering. This means for example that women might adopt more masculine subject positions in relation to work and family while engaging in maternal politics in the political sphere or that male violence towards women can be condemned and single motherhood adopted as a positive form of identity assertion while uneasiness is expressed about the absence of fathers in children’s lives. By contextualising the conditions in which women mother and focusing on how individual women feel about and reflect upon their lives, this study illustrates the multiple dimensions of motherhood which exist within Nicaraguan culture and the contradictions faced by women who mother in sites of intense cultural struggle. This study has important implications for the epistemological transformation that is taking place within feminist geography in particular and within human geography more broadly. Motherhood has the discursive power to shape and define gender identities, but it can also be used to unsettle or destabilise gender and sexuality in material and discursive space.

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No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Roger dos Anjos de Sá - 2014.pdf: 2409543 bytes, checksum: 0ca0c54b9202cdac71aefbd8a49fd939 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-09-25 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Goiás - FAPEG / In July 1979, the Sandinista Revolution triumphed in Nicaragua, thus constituting a political framework of great importance for the history of the last quarter of the twentieth century. In front of the revolutionary process, was the FSLN (Sandinista National Liberation Front), an organization founded in the early 1960s inspired by Augusto César Sandino, a nationalist who fought against the domination exerted by the United States of America in that country in the late 1920s and in the beginning of next decade. Sandino was assassinated at the behest of the then chief of the National Guard, Anastasio Somoza García, in 1934. In 1937, Somoza took over the government of Nicaragua inaugurating the longest of all dictatorships of America, which lasted until 1979. Associated various political ideologies derived from various social segments the FSLN led a popular uprising that toppled the dictatorship and began a period of intense disputes and social, economic and political transformations in Nicaragua. The tactic of economic transformation was conducted by the mixed economy and the political model was guided by plurality. Meanwhile the Sandinista Front sought to consolidate its hegemony through the cooptation of popular and mass organizations and also through the establishment of an Army. A few years after the revolutionary triumph came one armed counterrevolution, what made the consigning a war that consumed in huge sums of money following years and a concentration in military defense of the Revolution. The counterrevolutionary forces were formed under the auspices of the American government of Ronald Reagan. In this sense, the period between 1979 and 1990, Nicaragua became an important center of American interference, which combined the groups opposing the Sandinista Front, mainly the bourgeoisie and the upper hierarchy of the Catholic Church constituted together, armed groups, the cons, who fought with the government a civil war. The Sandinista Revolution lasted until 1990, when the FSLN was defeated electorally by a counterrevolutionary coalition called UNO (National Union Opposition) that was financed by the United States. / Em julho de 1979, a Revolução Sandinista triunfou na Nicarágua, constituindo assim um marco político de grande relevância para a história do último quartel do século XX. Na dianteira do processo revolucionário, estava a FSLN (Frente Sandinista de Libertação Nacional), organização fundada no início da década de 1960 inspirada em Augusto César Sandino, um nacionalista que lutou contra a dominação exercida pelos Estados Unidos da América naquele país no final dos anos 1920 e no início da década seguinte. Sandino foi assassinado a mando do então chefe da Guarda Nacional, Anastásio Somoza García, em 1934. Em 1937, Somoza assumiu o governo da Nicarágua, inaugurando a mais longa de todas as ditaduras da América, que durou até 1979. Associados a diversas ideologias políticas oriundas de variados segmentos sociais, a FSLN liderou uma insurreição popular que derrubou a ditadura e iniciou um período de intensas disputas e transformações sociais, econômicas e políticas na Nicarágua. A tática de transformação econômica foi conduzida pela economia mista e o modelo político foi pautado pela pluralidade. Entrementes a Frente Sandinista buscou consolidar sua hegemonia mediante a cooptação de organizações populares e de massa e também através da constituição de um Exército. Poucos anos após o triunfo revolucionário, surgiu uma contrarrevolução armada, o que fez com que se consignasse uma situação de guerra que consumiu nos anos seguintes enormes somas monetárias e uma concentração na defesa militar da Revolução. As forças contrarrevolucionárias foram formadas sob a tutela do governo norte-americano de Ronald Reagan. Neste sentido, no período entre 1979 e 1990, a Nicarágua tornou-se um importante polo da ingerência norte-americana, que aliada a grupos opostos a Frente Sandinista, principalmente à burguesia e à alta hierarquia da Igreja Católica, constituíram juntos grupos armados, os contras, que travaram com o governo uma guerra civil. A Revolução Sandinista durou até 1990, quando a FSLN foi derrotada eleitoralmente por uma coalização contrarrevolucionária denominada UNO (União Nacional Opositora), financiada pelos Estados Unidos.

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