Esta pesquisa visa analisar a teoria dos golpes de Estado de Gabriel Naudé, um dos principais tratadistas da razão de Estado do século XVII. Através da leitura de Considérations politiques sur les coups dÉtat (1639), obra magna do autor, busca-se encontrar não apenas a base conceitual desse texto, mas inclusive identificar os percursos teóricos que deságuam nos escritos de Naudé. Por meio desta investigação é possível notar a noção de prudência como grande sustentáculo da referida teoria dos golpes de Estado, essencialmente influenciada pelas obras de Justo Lípsio e Pierre Charron. A partir daí, busca-se desconstruir a prudência naudeana para nela apontar o peso das idéias dos escritores mencionados, o que também permite demonstrar a existência de outras referências à razão de Estado da época, que não Nicolau Maquiavel. / This research aims to analyze Gabriel Naudés theory of the coups détat , one of the main authors of reason of State on the 17th Century. Interpreting Naudés magnum opus, Considérations politiques sur les coups dÉtat (1639), I intend to explore not only his conceptual basis but the theoretical tendencies leading to his writings. Through this investigation it is possible to deem prudence as the major supporting notion of the theory of the coups détat, which was essentially influenced by the works of Justus Lipsius and Pierre Charron. Thence, I intend to deconstruct Naudés notion of prudence in order to point out the weigh of Lipsius and Charrons ideas on his work, showing the existence of other references in the formulation of the reason of State on this epoch, besides Niccolo Machiavelli.

For many Australians, Fiji is a place of holidays, coups and rugby. The extent to which we think about this near-neighbour of ours is governed, for most, by what we learn about Fiji through the media. In normal circumstances, there is not a lot to learn as Fiji rarely appears in our media. At times of crisis, such as during the 1987 and 2000 coups in Fiji, there is saturation coverage. At these times, the potential for generating understanding is great. The reporting of a crisis can encapsulate all the social, political and economic issues which are a cause or outcome of an event like a coup, elucidating for media consumers the culture, the history and the social forces involved. In particular, the kinds of sources used and the kinds of organisations these sources represent, the kinds of themes presented in the reporting, and the way the journalists go about their work, can have a significant bearing on how an event like a coup is represented. The reporting of the Fiji coups presented the opportunity to examine these factors. As such, the aim of this thesis is to understand the role of the media in building relationships between developed and developing post-colonial nations like Australia and Fiji. A content analysis of 419 articles published in three leading broadsheet newspapers, The Sydney Morning Herald, The Australian and The Canberra Times, examined the basic characteristics of the articles, with a particular focus on the sources used in these articles. This analysis revealed that the reports were dominated by elite sources, particularly representatives of governments, with a high proportion of Australian sources who provided information from Australia. While alternative sources did appear, they were limited in number. Women, Indian Fijians and representatives of non-government organisations were rarely used as sources. There were some variations between the articles from 1987 and those from 2000, primarily an increase in Indian Fijian sources, but overall the profile of the sources were similar. A thematic analysis of the same articles identified and examined the three most prevalent themes in the coverage. These indicated important aspects of the way the coups were represented: the way Fiji was represented, the way Australia's responses were represented, and the way the coup leaders were represented. This analysis found that the way in which the coups were represented reflected the nature of the relationship between Australia and Fiji. In 1987, the unexpected nature of the coup meant there was a struggle to re-define how Fiji should be understood. In 2000, Australia's increased focus on Fiji and the Pacific region was demonstrated by reports which represented the situation as more complex and uncertain, demanding more varied responses. A series of interviews with journalists who travelled to Fiji to cover the coups revealed that the working conditions for Australian media varied greatly between 1987 and 2000. The situational factors, particularly those which limited their work, had an impact on the journalists' ability to access specific kinds of sources and, ultimately, the kinds of themes which appeared in the stories. The variation between 1987 and 2000 demonstrated that under different conditions, journalists were able to access a more diverse range of sources and present more sophisticated perspectives of the coup. In a cross-cultural situation such as this, the impact of reporting dominated by elite sources is felt not just in the country being covered, but also in the country where the reporting appears. It presents a limited representation, which marginalises and downplays the often complex social, cultural and historical factors which contribute to an event like a coup. Debate and alternative ways of understanding are limited and the chance to engage more deeply with a place like Fiji is, by and large, lost.

This thesis is an historical anthropology of the role of the Methodist Church in Fiji, from the arrival of Methodist missionaries in 1830. At that time Fiji was a fragmented society. Fijians lived in villages on various islands, so there was no cohesion within the society. The insertion of Methodism into traditional Fijian society irreversibly changed the society, and this thesis traces the key changes that occurred. The rise to prominence of Chief Cakobau from Bau Island marks the beginning of unification of a fragmented Fiji. He formed the first Fijian government in 1871.The British Colonial authorities and the Methodists were also centrally involved in unification and the development of a national society as they set up structures to govern and evangelise the Fijians. However, the thesis argues that with the arrival of Indo-Fijians as indentured labourers to Fiji in 1879, the seeds of polarisation were planted and Indo-Fijians were left out of the frame of Fijian society. The thesis traces the involvement of Methodism, always in close relationship with the state in the twin processes of unification and polarisation. The coups that have changed the political landscape of Fiji served to alter the relationship between the Methodist Church and the state. A schism occurred in the Methodist Church following the 1987 coup, where violence against some ministers occurred, and the Methodist constitution was suspended. Members belonging to i taukei Methodist hierarchy who insisted on Fijian paramountcy to the exclusion of Indo-Fijians have been separated irretrievably from members of the Methodist hierarchy who believe in an inclusive society irrespective of race. Increasing diversity of socio-economic status allied with hierarchical divides and different interpretations of the Church�s mission have generated conflict in the Church and society at large. Diminution of the power of the Methodist Church in Fiji has occurred since 1987, and there are both internal and external factors at work which continue this trend. The various factors influencing the Church in the present along with its future prospects are discussed.

This thesis is an historical anthropology of the role of the Methodist Church in Fiji, from the arrival of Methodist missionaries in 1830. At that time Fiji was a fragmented society. Fijians lived in villages on various islands, so there was no cohesion within the society. The insertion of Methodism into traditional Fijian society irreversibly changed the society, and this thesis traces the key changes that occurred. The rise to prominence of Chief Cakobau from Bau Island marks the beginning of unification of a fragmented Fiji. He formed the first Fijian government in 1871.The British Colonial authorities and the Methodists were also centrally involved in unification and the development of a national society as they set up structures to govern and evangelise the Fijians. However, the thesis argues that with the arrival of Indo-Fijians as indentured labourers to Fiji in 1879, the seeds of polarisation were planted and Indo-Fijians were left out of the frame of Fijian society. The thesis traces the involvement of Methodism, always in close relationship with the state in the twin processes of unification and polarisation. The coups that have changed the political landscape of Fiji served to alter the relationship between the Methodist Church and the state. A schism occurred in the Methodist Church following the 1987 coup, where violence against some ministers occurred, and the Methodist constitution was suspended. Members belonging to i taukei Methodist hierarchy who insisted on Fijian paramountcy to the exclusion of Indo-Fijians have been separated irretrievably from members of the Methodist hierarchy who believe in an inclusive society irrespective of race. Increasing diversity of socio-economic status allied with hierarchical divides and different interpretations of the Church�s mission have generated conflict in the Church and society at large. Diminution of the power of the Methodist Church in Fiji has occurred since 1987, and there are both internal and external factors at work which continue this trend. The various factors influencing the Church in the present along with its future prospects are discussed.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Iowa, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 212-226).

No description available.

Esta pesquisa visa analisar a teoria dos golpes de Estado de Gabriel Naudé, um dos principais tratadistas da razão de Estado do século XVII. Através da leitura de Considérations politiques sur les coups dÉtat (1639), obra magna do autor, busca-se encontrar não apenas a base conceitual desse texto, mas inclusive identificar os percursos teóricos que deságuam nos escritos de Naudé. Por meio desta investigação é possível notar a noção de prudência como grande sustentáculo da referida teoria dos golpes de Estado, essencialmente influenciada pelas obras de Justo Lípsio e Pierre Charron. A partir daí, busca-se desconstruir a prudência naudeana para nela apontar o peso das idéias dos escritores mencionados, o que também permite demonstrar a existência de outras referências à razão de Estado da época, que não Nicolau Maquiavel. / This research aims to analyze Gabriel Naudés theory of the coups détat , one of the main authors of reason of State on the 17th Century. Interpreting Naudés magnum opus, Considérations politiques sur les coups dÉtat (1639), I intend to explore not only his conceptual basis but the theoretical tendencies leading to his writings. Through this investigation it is possible to deem prudence as the major supporting notion of the theory of the coups détat, which was essentially influenced by the works of Justus Lipsius and Pierre Charron. Thence, I intend to deconstruct Naudés notion of prudence in order to point out the weigh of Lipsius and Charrons ideas on his work, showing the existence of other references in the formulation of the reason of State on this epoch, besides Niccolo Machiavelli.

Orientador: Sheila Schvarzman / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Artes / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-05T01:35:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Correa_Marcos_M.pdf: 8166163 bytes, checksum: 64c70b1c82b61a41217d6580d33af398 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: Nesta dissertação, buscamos estudar nos documentários financiados pelo Instituto de Pesquisa e Estudos Sociais ¿ IPÊS inúmeras referências ao momento histórico e político no qual esses documentários surgem: o período anterior ao Golpe Militar de março de 1964. Esses documentários foram realizados por Jean Manzon e carregam características tanto do realizador quanto dos financiadores (que durante o período era feito principalmente pela iniciativa privada).Representando principalmente os interesses dos setores industriais, o IPÊS utilizou seus documentários como forma de realizar a propaganda de suas atividades. Nesse sentido, enxergamos na produção do Instituto não apenas referências às suas principais teses, mas a conformação de uma imagem idealizada do Brasil. Essa imagem, idealizada em conjunto com as características da produção cinematográfica de Jean Manzon, deu materialidade ao pensamento do Instituto, apesar de não referenciar diretamente suas principais atividades / Abstract: In this text, we seek to study in documentary sponsored for the Instituto de Pesquisa e Estudos Sociais ¿ IPÊS. innumerable references to the historical moment and politician in which these sets of documents appear: the previous period to the Military Blow of March of 1964. These documentaries had been carried through by Jean Manzon and in such a way load characteristics of the producer how much of the financiers (that during the period it was made mainly for the private initiative). Mainly representing the interests of the industrial sectors, the IPÊS has used yours documentary as form to carry through the propaganda of its activities. In this direction, we not see in the production of the Institute only references to its main thesis, but the conformation of a idealized image of Brazil. This image, idealized in set with the characteristics of the cinematographic production of Jean Manzon, has gave materiality to the thought of the Institute, although don¿t to refere to its main activities directly / Mestrado / Mestre em Multimeios

This is a study assessing the democratic rhetoric from authoritarian rulers. It does so as part of a larger comparative politics effort appraising the state of democracy in the world as well as part of area studies’ interest in better understanding the politics of individual states, in this case, Thailand. Scholars’ current method of analyzing the democratic rhetoric of authoritarians seems to swing somewhere between skepticism and dismissiveness. Although a reasonable response to the evident hypocrisy between deed and word, this thesis proceeds in the belief that social science can offer more than cynicism.<div><br></div><div>Methodologically, the chapters employ conceptual analysis to study concepts as they are diffused, borrowed, stretched, or otherwise contested. It considers as data the occurrence of the words “elections,” “rights,” “freedom,” “liberty,” “the people,” as well as others, but most notably “democracy.” Parts of this work are historical and descriptive, detailing the incidents and contexts of democratic rhetoric in authoritarian systems. Other parts are prescriptive, proposing a method by which to assess the democratic words of dictators. Case studies on particular periods of authoritarian rule in Thailand demonstrate what can be learned with the various methods.<br></div><div><br></div><div>One of the primary objectives of this study is to persuade readers that authoritarians’ democratic rhetoric is worth studying. A second objective is to convince readers of the utility of using the etymological definition of democracy as “the people rule” for assessing democratic rhetoric. Finally, the study aims to expose and develop the image of democracy in authoritarian Thailand. The central argument of this work is that democratic rhetoric in authoritarian systems is evidence of an ideology challenging Western, liberal democracy from within and that the failure to recognize this impairs both international and domestic democracy promotion efforts.<br></div>

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.