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Jimena Codina Gonzalez.

Thesis (B.A.)--Haverford College, Dept. of Spanish, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references.

The historiography of the Cuban Revolution includes numerous accounts which detail the responses to Batista's coup. The fact that anti-Batista sentiments were very popular in Cuba, and that several revolutionary groups existed has also been highly documented. Nonetheless, the most highly recognized insurrectional organization remains Castro's M-26-7. The goal of my thesis is to explain the steps which Castro took in order to remove all competition, allowing him to remain the only figure left in power. The process in which Castro came to power will be analyzed in order to gain a better understanding of how he orchestrated the removal of other revolutionary groups. My thesis will show that Castro purposely aided some groups, when it was to his benefit, but also denied aid to these same groups when he knew that he could gain an advantage over them. An analysis of the manifestos will reveal that most anti-Batista groups had their own agendas and that often times they were attempting to work together in order to coordinate Cuba's future. I will focus on primary source materials such as eye witness accounts, historical publications, diaries and newspapers. I intend on analyzing Castro's M-26-7, from the time of his attack of the Moncada Barracks, through the course of the insurrection itself, and his final actions as Batista fled Cuba in 1959. By investigating the actions that were taken by Castro and his followers, in light of how those actions affected the other revolutionaries groups, will shed light on why certain decisions were made by the M-26-7. The outcome of this research will show that the M-26-7 orchestrated their actions with the sole purpose of bringing Castro to power when the insurrection war was over.

No description available.

No description available.

Master of Music / Department of Music, Theatre, and Dance / Craig B. Parker / This Master’s Report will address questions about Afro-Cuban music, focusing on Afro-Cuban percussion and music in the late 1800s and early 1900s. The first two chapters will address congas and timbales, which are two Afro-Cuban percussion instruments at the center of Cuban culture and music. The next three chapters will address danzón, rumba, and son. These chapters will provide analysis into the influences that shaped the music as well as analysis of the music itself. Chapter 6 of this report addresses Cuba’s impact on culture outside Cuba, relating but not limited to music, with emphasis on the 1930s into the beginning of World War II. Throughout this report videos have been created to help explain topics of Afro-Cuban music to readers in a more interactive way. The purpose of these videos is to demonstrate how the instruments sound as well as what the instruments look like, how notation included in the report is realized, and generally to make the page come to life in ways that technology today now allows.

This study focuses on Paquito D'Rivera's use of musical idioms that originate from Caribbean and African sources. More specifically the compositions discussed in this study are Aires Tropicales for Woodwind Quintet, Wapango for Woodwind Quintet, Danzon for Piano Trio, and Preludio y Merengue for Piano Trio.Included is a brief biography that provides insight into Paquito D'Rivera's early development and musical accomplishments. In order to provide a musical context to better illustrate the origins of some of the influences found in D'Rivera's compositions, a brief history and description of various forms of popular music from the Caribbean are included. Finally, an analysis of the works are integrated with quotes from the transcription of my interview with the composer.

Many black Cubans decided to join the Cuban criollo separatists in their fight for independence from Spain in the late nineteenth century because rebellion seemed to promise a means to end slavery and shake their bonds of second class citizenship. To a large degree this was true as Cuban independence represented a multiracial triumph that ignored race and social status. Racial fraternity quickly faded, though, as the twentieth century began and black Cubans found themselves in the same disadvantaged position as before independence. This essay discusses how racism and limitations on black organization in the early republic dashed any real hopes for social mobility and spurred many Afro-Cubans to seek alternative ways to fight for racial and socioeconomic equality. I will focus on how Afro-Cuban racial awareness and black organization grew following the disappointments of Cuban independence and how the application of the 1910 Morua amendment restricting political organizations and the 1912 massacre of thousands of Afro-Cubans forced black activists to seek less direct means to redress problems of poverty and inequality. Following an analysis of why many black Cubans renounced assimilation and decided to organize based on race, I will discuss the small political space within which Afro-Cubans were able to operate and the various strategies they employed to avoid being labeled as racists and anti-Cuban. These strategies were generally passive in nature, though, and employed racial uplift or regeneracion as a means to become accepted by white society. Considering that many black elites accepted racial uplift as a means to fight for black opportunities and equality, I will evaluate if this strategy served their goals of penetrating white society at the expense of poorer Afro-Cubans. I will also focus on the rare efforts of Juan Rene Betancourt, one of the very few black activists that rejected regeneracion and endorsed black nationalism as the sole means to achieve racial equality in Cuba. The paper will conclude with an analysis of the efficacy of black Cuban organizations to improve the position of blacks in Cuban society leading up to the 1959 revolution and why they were not more successful.

Cancer afflicts 1.4 million people in the United States annually. In 2007, 45.5 million Hispanics were the largest and fastest growing minority in the US. Although treated as a homogeneous group, Hispanics are different from cultural, socioeconomic and genetic perspectives. The cancer experience of Hispanic subpopulations has, thus far, been poorly described. The present dissertation focused on the descriptive epidemiology of Cancer in Hispanics in the US. We created and validated an algorithm, the Hispanic Origin Identification Algorithm (HOIA), to improve the assignment of ethnicity and Hispanic subpopulation. We applied the HOIA to the Florida incident cancer data of the period 1999-2001 to calculate incidence rates for Hispanics, non-Hispanic Whites and non-Hispanic Blacks, and to estimate rates for Mexican Hispanics, Puerto Ricans, Cubans and New Latinos. We compared the cancer risk of these populations in their countries of origin and in the US with US Whites. Finally, we studied colorectal cancer (CRC) as an opportunity for studying disparities in diagnosis among Hispanic subpopulations. HOIA was highly sensitive and specific to detect Hispanic ethnicity and subgroup. Cancer rates differed markedly among Hispanic subpopulations. The apparently health advantage of Hispanics in other health outcomes, was limited to Mexicans who demonstrated remarkably low rates for most cancers. Puerto Ricans and Cubans had the highest total cancer rates, in some cases similar to US Whites. Hispanics increased their risk for the most common cancers - breast, prostate, colorectal, endometrial and especially lung cancer - when they moved to the United States from their countries of origin. Finally, Hispanics were at a disadvantage in terms of stage at diagnosis for CRC compared to non-Hispanic Whites and Blacks. Cuban Americans were less likely to be diagnosed at a late stage compared to all other Hispanic populations. Focused research into the differences in cancer incidence among Hispanic subpopulations in the US should be carried out, in particular the relationship between acculturation and cancer. Research should also target the causes of persisting disparities in stage of presentation among Hispanic subpopulations. Florida is the ideal location for these studies, and should become an “Observatory for Cancer in Hispanic populations.”