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This thesis examined the nature, experience and consequences of humiliation among Dalits (ex-Untouchables) in India (and also among UK students for comparative purposes). Social psychological research looks at humiliation as automatic, extreme and intense emotion which often leads to extreme and irrational behaviors (Lindner, 2002; Otten & Jonas, 2014; Elison & Harter, 2007). The research in this thesis contested this view and underlined the need to look at humiliation as 1) inherently relational or dynamic in nature, 2) a distinguishably group level phenomenon and 3) a mobilised phenomenon. Study 1 analysed the experiences of humiliation among Dalits and conceptualised humiliation as a complex social encounter in which one party attempts to diminish identity of another party. Study 1 also identified important dimensions of humiliating encounters that were examined in subsequent studies. Studies 2 - 3 manipulated perspective (victim or witness) and target of devaluation (personal identity or social identity) in a humiliating encounter and showed that the nature of humiliation and how it is experienced depends upon the way in which identities are defined in a humiliating encounter. Both UK students (Study 2) and Dalit participants (Study 3) confirmed the collective experience of humiliation i.e. one can feel humiliated simply by witnessing humiliation of another group member. Studies- 4 - 7 manipulated victim's response (resistance vs. compliance) during a humiliating encounter. These studies showed that humiliation is an encounter within power relations and victims of humiliation possess choice and agency to change the outcome of humiliating encounters. Study 8 analysed the humiliation rhetoric in the speeches of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, the most important of Dalits leaders, and showed that the way in which humiliating encounter is resolved depends upon the mobilisation processes which can even change the nature of identities and, therefore, the nature of experience of the encounter.

In its Constitution, postcolonial India acknowledges the caste-based practice of "untouchability" as a social and historical wrong, and seeks to redress the effects of this wrong through compensatory discrimination. Dalits are recognized by the state as having suffered the effects of untouchability, and thus as eligible for statutory protections and remedial measures, on the condition that they profess no religion "different from the Hindu religion" (a condition later expanded to include Sikhism and Buddhism as well). The present work charts the career of the idea underlying this condition of recognition - the idea that the "untouchable," insofar as she has not converted to Islam, Christianity, or another "world religion," must be Hindu - and its consequences, from the late nineteenth century to the present. Historically and ethnographically grounded in the community life of the sanitation labor castes - those Dalits castes that perform the vast majority of South Asia's sanitation work - in the north Indian city of Lucknow, the study tracks the idea from its ruptive colonial beginnings to its propagation by Hindu nationalists, induction into mainstream nationalism and installation in the edifice of postcolonial law. This is also an account of the everyday effects of postcolonial India's regime of recognition in the present: what it confers, what it transforms, what hides in its shadows.

This ethnographic and archival study offers insight into Dalit identity politics, Tamil ethno-nationalism, and affective understandings and experiences of sovereignty in contemporary Tamil Nadu, South India. It is an-depth exploration of the recent history and present moment of inter-caste conflict that plagues Tamil Nadu, despite the fact that it is India’s most urbanized state, and among its wealthiest and most industrially developed. Over the course of the past thirty years, spectacular and brutal murders, riots, and police repression have regularly characterized the relationships between groups of politically affiliated individuals we call castes. I historicize and contextualize such incidents, tracking the changing phenomenology of caste as it intersects with the gendered politics of Tamil ethnic identity. In order to do so, I examine the formation of caste conglomerations, which I define as intentionally incorporated political bodies attempting to situate themselves relationally in the context of rapid demographic and technological changes, and the breakdown of formal, intergenerational models of caste differentiation and hierarchy. The practices of intercaste relations in Tamil Nadu, are not disappearing, but are asserting themselves in new and sometimes violent ways as the economic realities and inhabitable spaces of many formerly distinguishable castes become increasingly alike. Responding to the anxiety of disintegrating hierarchy, what were once localized, relatively independent castes are uniting as political bodies that attempt to identify themselves in relation to each other, competing mimetically in a cycle of recursive opposition. I focus on two increasingly visible caste conglomerations – the Devendras and the Thevars – who have been embroiled in a violent conflict in Tamil Nadu since the late 1950s. The recent experiences of the Devendras who are officially classified as Dalit (“untouchable”), and the Thevars who were once socioeconomically dominant in much of Southern Tamil Nadu, exemplify the changing socioeconomic dynamics that foster caste conglomeration. Although the ancestors of many landowning castes ruled over the laborers they relegated to untouchability, their recent economic decline relative to the “untouchables” has unsettled what were once clearly demarcated social hierarchies. A new and unstable economy of collective rank is developing to fill this vacuum, as the self-fashioned leaders of caste conglomerations construct their identities. The process of caste conglomeration dissolves antecedent boundaries of caste even as it reconstitutes castes as larger and therefore more powerful groups, thus simultaneously demonstrating both the fluidity and intractability of caste logics.  The identitarian claims of caste conglomerations are carved into the new urban spaces they inhabit with visual and auditory signifiers, which are heightened during memorial celebrations of recently remembered caste history. Caste heroes who embody the often conflicting Tamil masculine ideals of selfless courage and refined civility play an important role in such acts of representing history through which caste conglomerations proclaim the dignity they are owed in the present through the glories of their past. I explore this process as it is energized by the antagonistic power struggle between the Devendras and the Thevars. The still tenuously united Devendras fight back against their relegation to Dalit status by claiming that they have been misclassified in the caste order, and that they are not, in fact, Dalits. Instead, they are the original people, and therefore rightful rulers, of the Tamil country. The Thevars who are a slightly older conglomeration of three previously endogamous but similarly ranked castes, counter such claims with their own claims to Tamil sovereignty, contributing to the unintended fallout of Tamil ethno-nationalism, or Dravidianism. Dominating state-level politics since the middle of the twentieth century, Dravidianism has attempted to configure a united non-Brahmin identity, which might have dissolved the boundaries between the vast majority of Tamil castes. It has instead resulted in widespread, caste-based competition over Tamil identity. The Devendras are increasingly vying for power through the idiom of Tamil identity, distancing themselves from Dalits (themselves an enormous caste conglomeration founded on the disavowal of caste), despite the Dalits’ electoral success. In tracing the Devendras’ strategy, my dissertation locates the boundary of pan-Indic Dalit political identity, suggesting that the Dalit category inadequately describes the experiences of formerly “untouchable” groups who are drawn, like many others, to the powerful calls of ethnicity. Such struggles of caste, entangled with ethno-nationalism, demonstrate the yearning for sovereignty that has arisen alongside the distrusted state. The parties and caste organizations of the Devendras and Thevars, like those of other rapidly multiplying caste conglomerations, reflect the desires of the disempowered, and operate as parastate authorities offering material benefits, collective pride, and transactions with government agents, which are troubled by the conglomerations’ need for legitimation that only the government can offer. These complicated processes of negotiating new and relatively unstable economies of power drive the questions of my dissertation, which unfold through the stories of Tamil men who experience the forces of caste identity and the government in their everyday lives. Caste conglomeration is not another example of Sanskritization through which castes ascend the social ladder by emulating those above them. Instead, the process I examine is competitive, mimetic, and recursive, presupposing the relative equality brought about by economic changes and by the promises of the democratic nation-state. While one generation ago, there were stark differences between landowning castes and the laboring castes now known as Devendras, today, Devendras have the resources to compete in terms of their public visibility, levels of education, and historical claims. In fact, their assertions are so resounding that Thevars sometimes follow Devendras in their strategic calls for recognition. I do not, however, discount the brutalities of Thevar violence against Devendras, but instead aim to shed light on the social context of such acts. It is the profound anxiety of growing similarity, rather than difference, that erupts in the excess of violence.

In their struggle for equality in Tamil Nadu, Dalits (ex-untouchables) often challenge prevailing caste norms by appropriating practices and conventions of locally dominant groups. This study examines how the Dalit Pallars of Tamil Nadu engage in various forms of socio-cultural and political assertions to challenge their marginality. It looks at the performative aspects of such struggles by focusing on Guru Pujas; public performances undertaken to pay homage to late social and political icons/leaders. As annual events these pujas have enabled Thevars, the local dominant caste, to showcase their community’s strength and power through the appropriation of public space. However, the same mode of public performance, which was integral to the public production and consolidation of the dominant caste as a political community, has been replicated by historically marginalised castes. This is reflected tangibly through visual aesthetics during commemorations. Following the Thevars and Nadars, a section of the Pallars are engaged in proclaiming the historical past by asserting that they too form the royal lineage and are competing with Thevar iconography to challenge the cultural dominance of Thevars. As quotidian forms of oppression and violence mark the spatial relationship between these castes, these performances provide a micro-lens to understand the dynamics of how local power is generated and made visible through a politics inscribed in space. Recent decades have witnessed increased competition over public symbols and the strategic location of caste-specific cultural signifiers – including competition over style and performance – and a heightened contest over the occupation of public space. Thus, the study maps the Pallar assertion and the challenges posed by Thevar retaliation.

Diploma paper deals with the history and current situation of Dalit Christian communities in India. It elaborates the phenomenon of mass movements, which represented a significant milestone in the history of Christianity in India. During these movements a substantial amount of untouchable castes converted to Christianity and the number of Christians multiplied. In the twentieth century Dalit Christians have become marginalized group by government measures which promised compensation benefits only for groups Hindu, Sikh and Buddhist Dalits. At the beginning of the twenty-first century Christian and Muslim communities in India are facing violent attacks made by militant Hindu groups. Since 1980s Dalit Christian communities have come together and fight for obtaining government benefits and against oppression made by churches.

This paper critically interrogates Nepal’s national policies on caste based discrimination, thatwere implemented post the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2006. It usesCarol Bacchi’s ‘What’s the Problem Represented to be?’ (WPR) method for policy analysis tounderstand the problem representations within existing policies that address discrimination based on caste in Nepal today. This study is conducted vis a vis the role of the current government in shaping the understanding of the ‘problem’ representation in these policies. This study aspires to show that the problem of caste based discrimination in Nepal cannot be represented solely as a problem of poverty and development. Instead, policy reforms need to prioritize the recognition of caste based discrimination as a problem, in and of itself, in order to alleviate the suffering and discrimination of caste affected groups in Nepal.

Thesis advisor: James F. Keenan / This dissertation focuses on the theological ethical framework of ‘hope in justice’ for addressing the caste discrimination, particularly within the context of the Dalit lifeworld in India. It draws parallels between the caste system in India, racial discrimination in the United States, and apartheid in South Africa. More importantly, it examines the leadership and resistance models of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar and Martin Luther King Jr. The dissertation suggests that when the theological ethical enquiry is grounded in the principles of human dignity, justice, and equality, the exercise proclaims hope of liberation for the marginalized in the respective contexts. Further, it employs an ‘ethic of recognition’ as a foundational agenda, uniting various pedadisgogies and praxes against discrimination. This ethic is explored through the philosophical and theological implications of the works of scholars like Judith Butler, James Keenan, Joseph Flipper, Vincent Lloyd, Nelson Mandela, Desmond Tutu, Albert Nolan, Emmanuel Katongole, Jurgen Moltmann, and John Sunder Boopalan. It argues for a comprehensive theological ethical discourse on caste, emphasizing the need for a moral critique and corrective vision based on virtue ethics and the principles of Catholic Social Teaching. To sum up, the dissertation presents a detailed examination of caste discrimination through a theological ethical lens, advocating for a comparative study with racial discrimination to enhance the understanding and develop effective strategies for social change. It underscores the importance of leadership, resistance, and an ethic of recognition in the fight against systemic oppression and inequality. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2024. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Theology.

Ambedkar’s role as an Indian political leader during the late colonial period has attracted increased attention politically and historically. However, there is a startling disconnect between the modern, often mythological, construction of Ambedkar and the near forgotten historical figure. His broader programme for social uplift of the underprivileged is often lost in the record of his conflict with M. K. Gandhi and the Indian National Congress and their role as the dominant nationalist group in India at the time. The deification that has resulted from his use of Buddhism as an emancipatory identity has obscured his interpretation of it as a secular political tool in a political debate shaped and dominated by religious identity. This thesis will argue that the Buddhist conversion was a continuation of his political and social programme, not, as some have suggested, a retreat to religion after failing to secure reforms to Indian law and society. / February 2009

The following work is a humble probe into the background and history of the Dalit Pentecostal churches and critically evaluates the mission methods of Robert F. Cook. The word Dalit means the oppressed or broken victims and refers to people who are deprived and dehumanized. In India the so-called outcastes or untouchables have recently taken the name Dalit. The modern usage of Dalit began in nineteenth century with Mahatma Jyotirao Phule (1825-1890), a Marathi social reformer who worked for the upliftment of oppressed class. The Harijans, Backward classes, Scheduled castes, Outcastes, Untouchables, Panchamas and Chandalas were known by the common name Dalilt. Since the inception of the Pentecostal movement, the Dalits have formed an integral part of the Pentecostal churches. From the very beginning the Pentecostal church in Kerala attracted members from the Dalit communities. This was from the time of Robert. F. Cook (1914). Through Robert F. Cook's ministry the Dalits accepted Pentecostalism and gained liberation from their oppression. This is the first attempt to trace the history of Dalit Pentecostals in Kerala. However the readers will find a description of the beginnings and the characteristics of Pentecostalism that attracted the marginalized to Pentecostalism, and provided them with a liberative force. An evaluation of the origin and development of the Dalit Pentecostal churches is essential for the self-understanding of the community of believers and for the articulation of its mission in the world. I hope that the reading of this thesis will open the present day Pentecostals to restore the early characteristics of the movement so that it will challenge social evils that Pentecostalism once did so ably. / Thesis (M.Th.) - University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2005.