Among sociological studies in South Asia, frequent reference is made to caste as one of the greatest motivating factors in establishing, reinforcing, and creating social structure. This system of social hierarchy has, however, undergone drastic shifts and changes over the past decades (Dirks, 2001: 5) resulting in 'caste' as a term used to systematize concepts of social identity, community, and organization in India. The Brahmin caste, in particular, has undergone drastic changes as a result of social and political influence from without as well as from within, resulting in a conflict of identity (Bairy, 2010: 233).As a direct result of this conflict of caste identity, many individuals respond, act, and interact in ways that confirm, reject, or (re)establish their own individual identity within the greater scheme of their caste. The current study will examine specific ways in which Telugu Brahmins use linguistic markers to index socially acceptable, cultural ideologies. It will be explained how the use of lexical borrowings, markers of politeness and honorification, and emphatic aspiration index historical ideologies of Brahmin-ness. In indexing these ideologies, Brahmins identify with and associate their own actions in relation to traditional notions of those qualities assumed to be inherent in the Brahmin caste. Furthermore, meta-linguistic discourse will be examined, showing that recognition, acknowledgment of, and (mis)interpretation of a 'Brahmin register' is used to both mark intra-caste solidarity and reinforce social stereotypes about the caste.

<p>The thesis examines the speech of Yudhiṣṭhira and questions his status as King Dhanna and a speaker of truth. I argue that Yudhiṣṭhira has the same ability with speech as an inspired brahmin. Through an exploration of inspired brahminical speech in the Mahābhārata, I argue that brahmins have a special relationship to truth. I also present evidence that the sign of a truthful and inspired speaker is his or her eloquence: an eloquent speaker is considered to be a truthful speaker in the Mahābhārata. Yudhiṣṭhira has eloquent speech and this leads characters in the Epic to assume that he is truthful. There is, however, evidence that questions his apparent allegiance to the truth, especially if Yudhiṣṭhira's use of speech is examined.</p> <p>The thesis, with its focus on speech, presents a unique way to read the Epic and evaluate kingship. An examination of speech and kingship in the Epic is one that is largely overlooked by scholars. The thesis demonstrates that a reading of Yudhiṣṭhira which examines his ability and use of speech uncovers a more complex characterization of the king and points towards his use of deceit well before the beginning of the Mahabharata war. The thesis also demonstrates that a portion of the Epic encourages a close examination of the speech of kings, especially Yudhiṣṭhira's speech. The thesis argues that through the Mahabharata' s presentation of speech the Epic subtly encourages the use of deceit and guises by kings to attain their worldly ends.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

This paper is a study on the effect of caste on bench assignments on the Indian Supreme Court. The objective was to determine whether the Chief Justices have historically assigned associate justices to benches based on their individual castes – Brahmin or Non-Brahmin – in order to tilt the bias of the Court in either an elitist (Brahmin) direction or a non-elitist (Non-Brahmin) direction. Based on a probability analysis of panel assignments, I created a new model to determine the extant of castebased judicial selection bias on the Indian Supreme Court. Using a random sample of cases from 1950 to 2000, a two-sample test of proportionality was employed to test whether any bias was present in the Chief Justice’s bench assignments. No caste bias was discovered in either the fifty-year period of the Court or in a smaller data set of cases between 1977 and 2000 (a period after the emergency between 1975 and 1977).

The present study is completely a literature study, where the limelight has been on Rāmāyaṇa. Focusing on the Rāmāyaṇa written by Valmiki and comparing it to the oral tradition (songs) from Andhra Pradesh, sung by Brahmin women presented in Paula Richman’s book Many Ramayanas (1991); The Diversity of a Narrative Tradition in South Asia. Two female characters have been chosen to understand the polarities of ‘good’ versus ‘bad’ in woman characters presented within the story of Rāmāyaṇa; Sitā is compared therefore to Śūrpanakhā. Two primary questions have led the study forward, the first being to understand characteristical similarities and differences between the female characters; Sitā and Śūrpanakhā. and the other being narrational differences found in Valmiki’s Rāmāyaṇa compared to Paula Richman’s description of oral traditions of Brahmin women of Andhra Pradesh. Qualitative content analysis is the method that runs through the veins of this study, content analysis which is a branch of textual analysis is a method used to study and describe characteristics of written messages, which in this study is Rāmāyaṇa. In the conclusion the research question was answered and the result was that it could be argued that Sitā and Śūrpanakhā are both different but also similar to each other within the characteristical framework and also that Sitā and Śūrpanakhā are portrayed as each other's alter egos. Where Sitā is portrayed as light, good, pure, auspicious and submissive, Śūrpanakhā is portrayed as her opposite; dark, evil, impure, inauspicious and independent. And within a narrational framework it was clear that there were many differences between Valmiki’s narration  to the oral traditions, where Valmiki narrated Rāmā in limelight the oral traditions had women’s aspects of Rāmāyaṇa in focus.

Ambedkar’s role as an Indian political leader during the late colonial period has attracted increased attention politically and historically. However, there is a startling disconnect between the modern, often mythological, construction of Ambedkar and the near forgotten historical figure. His broader programme for social uplift of the underprivileged is often lost in the record of his conflict with M. K. Gandhi and the Indian National Congress and their role as the dominant nationalist group in India at the time. The deification that has resulted from his use of Buddhism as an emancipatory identity has obscured his interpretation of it as a secular political tool in a political debate shaped and dominated by religious identity. This thesis will argue that the Buddhist conversion was a continuation of his political and social programme, not, as some have suggested, a retreat to religion after failing to secure reforms to Indian law and society. / February 2009

Ambedkar’s role as an Indian political leader during the late colonial period has attracted increased attention politically and historically. However, there is a startling disconnect between the modern, often mythological, construction of Ambedkar and the near forgotten historical figure. His broader programme for social uplift of the underprivileged is often lost in the record of his conflict with M. K. Gandhi and the Indian National Congress and their role as the dominant nationalist group in India at the time. The deification that has resulted from his use of Buddhism as an emancipatory identity has obscured his interpretation of it as a secular political tool in a political debate shaped and dominated by religious identity. This thesis will argue that the Buddhist conversion was a continuation of his political and social programme, not, as some have suggested, a retreat to religion after failing to secure reforms to Indian law and society.

Ambedkar’s role as an Indian political leader during the late colonial period has attracted increased attention politically and historically. However, there is a startling disconnect between the modern, often mythological, construction of Ambedkar and the near forgotten historical figure. His broader programme for social uplift of the underprivileged is often lost in the record of his conflict with M. K. Gandhi and the Indian National Congress and their role as the dominant nationalist group in India at the time. The deification that has resulted from his use of Buddhism as an emancipatory identity has obscured his interpretation of it as a secular political tool in a political debate shaped and dominated by religious identity. This thesis will argue that the Buddhist conversion was a continuation of his political and social programme, not, as some have suggested, a retreat to religion after failing to secure reforms to Indian law and society.

Brahmā est introduit dans l’iconographie tamoule dès la fin du 6ème s. ou le tout début du 7ème s. par les Pallava, probablement originaires du sud de l’actuel Andhra-Pradesh : ils initient simultanément la sculpture sur pierre et le développement de la culture brahmanique dans l’extrême sud de l’Inde. La divinité apparait dans les fondations du Deccan à la même période : elle participe alors essentiellement de la triade qu’elle forme avec Viṣṇu et Śiva. La faveur que connait Brahmā par la suite, puisqu’il préside à la façade nord sur plusieurs temples shivaïtes de la fin de la période Pallava puis de la période Cola, est en revanche inédite dans d’autres traditions régionales : elle trouve sans aucun doute son origine dans la relation complexe de complémentarité et de rivalité qu’il noue avec Śiva - mais aussi Viṣṇu, même si elle est dans ce cas moins conflictuelle - dans l’idéologie royale développée par les rois Pallava, et plus particulièrement telle qu’elle est mise en scène dans l’iconographie narrative du temple Kailāsanātha à Kāñcipuram au début du 8ème s. Les interactions multiples entre les deux divinités s’articulent notamment autour de la confrontation ambiguë du brahmanisme orthodoxe avec une nouvelle forme d’expression du savoir śaiva d’une part, et, d’autre part, autour de la figure du roi, que peut représenter Śiva, et du brahmane, du purohita, incarné par Brahmā. Le contexte et la signification de ces représentations jusqu’au tournant du 10ème s. en regard de l’art contemporain du Deccan mettront en lumière les spécificités du sud tamoul mais aussi ce qui participe de concepts plus largement diffusés qu’il ne semblerait au premier abord. / Brahmā was introduced into Tamil iconography at the end of the 6th century or the very beginning of the 7th century by the Pallava, probably from the south of present-day Andhra-Pradesh: they simultaneously initiated stone carving and the development of Brahmanic culture in the far south of India. The divinity appears in the shrines of the Deccan at the same period: he then essentially participates in the triad he forms with Viṣṇu and Śiva. The favor that Brahmā knows thereafter, since he presides over the north facade on several Śaiva temples of the end of the Pallava period then of the Cola period, is by contrast unprecedented in other regional traditions: it undoubtedly finds its origin in the complex relationship of complementarity and rivalry that it establishes with Śiva - but also Viṣṇu, even if it is in this case less conflictual - in the royal ideology developed by the Pallava kings, and more particularly such as it is staged in the narrative iconography of the Kailāsanātha temple in Kāñcipuram at the beginning of the 8th century. The multiple interactions between the two divinities are articulated notably around the ambiguous confrontation of orthodox Brahmanism with a new form of expression of Śaiva knowledge on the one hand, and, on the other hand, around the figure of the king, which Śiva can represent, and of the Brahmin, the purohita, embodied by Brahmā. The context and meaning of these representations up to the turn of the 10th century in relation to the contemporary art of the Deccan will highlight the specificities of southern Tamil imagery but also its connexion to concepts more widely disseminated than it would seem at first sight.