Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2005. / Recent years have seen new ideologies and political factors being introduced into the Sudanese political landscape. The new war in Darfur has revealed that the traditional North-South conflict is not necessarily a religious war but rather a war that goes beyond religion and ethnicity. Several factors underpin the civil wars in Sudan; principally disputes over religion, identity, inequality, resources, governance, self-determination, autonomy and secession. The attempt is therefore to define the various actors, factors and issues underlying both the North-South conflict and the new war in Darfur, and to analyse and compare the differences and similarities between the two wars. Both the conflicts in Southern Sudan and in Darfur have their origin in the decay of the Sudanese state and in both cases did political marginalisation resulted in political exclusion. Another resemblance between the two wars is the acute identity crisis that resulted from the long history of stratification and discrimination. Both warring groups want to reassert their distinguishing characteristics in the respective conflicts where ‘Arab’ and ‘African’ have distinctive meanings and are used as racial, cultural, and political identities. The third similarity between the South and Darfur is the ethnic cleansing tactics and policies the Sudanese government has adopted. The differences between these two wars is that Southern Sudan has developed into a war over national resources while Darfur does not share the same strategic commodities. The second is secession. The South started as a secessionist war while neither of the rebel groups in Darfur have demanded any form of self-determination. Darfur has also seen relatively timely international attention compared to Southern Sudan. Comparing the two conflicts do reveal that neither religion nor race is at the heart of Sudan’s wars. Instead, the root of the insurgencies is largely founded upon culturally and regionally imposed economic and political marginalisation coupled with the politicization of ethnic identities. The challenge for Sudan will be to create a new consciousness of common identity and a new meaning of belonging that grants peace, dignity, development and fundamental human rights.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The aim of this thesis has been to analyse which similarities exist in combatants’ control over food supply lines to non-combatants in African civil conflict and evaluate whether these similarities are sufficient to permit generalisations about the use of food as a weapon in African civil conflict. The nature of this study is both descriptive and explanatory. The case studies of Darfur and Somalia form the descriptive part of this study. This thesis is also explanatory in that it aims to make a first attempt at theory building where such theory did not exist before. I try to explain if, how and why combatants intentionally use food as a means of power in civil conflict. Is the control over food a deliberate and rational choice by combatants or are situations of food scarcity and even hunger or famines simply a consequence of war? The case studies of Darfur and Somalia provide many similarities concerning the impact of conflict on livelihoods and food security. Famine is more an issue of limited access rather than availability. The use of food as a weapon displays a number of important similarities. Attacks on food security can be divided into acts of omission, commission and provision. In Darfur, combatants exercise a greater level of control over food supply lines than in Somalia. Finally, I argue that famine in African civil conflict is highly functional and has a distinct political-economic character. The creation of famine is often deliberate, with a hidden political agenda. In both Darfur and Somalia, attacks on food security serve a political, economic and military rationale. The political logic of attacks on food security was most important in Darfur, although here the signs of a sustainable war economy become apparent. In contrast, in Somalia, food production and procurement are attacked without the intent to destroy the livelihoods of specific societal groups, with the exception of the politically and economically marginalised groups in the south-central part of the country. The political logic is very superficial in Somalia. The level of deliberateness and organisation of attacks on food security, and hence the importance of the political logic, seem to tie in with the level of organisation of the central government, as well as with the presence or absence of a powerful ideology that clearly divides certain sections of the population from others. I recommend that further research be undertaken to analyse if theory on resources and conflict applies to attacks on food. Furthermore, additional research is needed on how to mitigate the negative effects of Food Aid. Finally, it is valuable to investigate to what extent effective government control and/or the presence of a binding ideology affect the importance of the political logic behind the attacks on food security. To this point, this research should be extended to include more case studies, with a specific focus on the factors of governmental control, ideology and political logic. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie tesis was om die ooreenkomste oor die beheer wat gewapendes oor die voedselvoorsieningslyne vir ongewapendes in Afrika se siviele konflikte te ondersoek, en om te evalueer of hierdie ooreenkomste genoegsaam is om veralgemenings te maak oor die gebruik van voedsel as ‘n wapen in hierdie konflik. Die omvang van hierdie studie is beide beskrywend en verduidelikend. Die gevallestudies van Darfur en Somalia vorm die beskrywende deel van hierdie studie. Hierdie thesis is ook verduidelikend in die sin dat dit poog om ‘n eerste probeerslag te skep vir die bou van teorie waar dit voorheen nog nie bestaan het nie. Hierdie studie poog om te verduidelik as, hoe en wanneer gewapendes voedselvoorrade intentioneel gebruik as ‘n bron van mag in siviele konflikte. Is die beheer oor voedsel deurdagte en rationele keuse deur gewapendes, of is situasies van voedseltekorte of selfs hongersnood eenvoudig ‘n gevolg van oorlogvoering? Die gevallestudies van Darfur en Somalia bied vele ooreenkomste rakende die impak van konflik op oorlewingsmeganismes en voedselsekuriteit. Hongersnood is meer ‘n geval van beperkte toegang, eerder as beskikbaarheid. Gebruik van voedsel as wapen het ‘n aantal belangrike ooreenkomste opgelewer. Aanvalle op voedselsekuriteit kan opgedeel word in dade van weerhoud, kommissie en provisie. In Darfur het gewapendes ‘n groter vlak van beheer oor die lyne van voedselverskaffing as in Somalia. Uiteindelik is dit die argument van hierdie tesis dat hongersnood in siviele konflik in Afrika grootliks funksioneel is en duidelike polities/ekonomies van aard is. Hierdie oorsaak van hongersnood is telkemale opsetlik met ‘n gepaardgaande verskuilde politiese agenda. In beide Darfur en Somalia het aanvalle op voedselsekuriteit ‘n politiese, ekonomiese en militêre rationale. Die politieke aard van aanvalle op voedselsekuriteit was besonder opmerksaam in Darfur, alhoewel tekens van ‘n onderhoudbare oorlogsekonomie duidelik begin word het. In teenstelling is voedselproduksie en versekering in Somalia onder aanval sonder die bedoeling om die lewenswyse van sekere sosiale groepe te vernietig of van stryk te bring, met die uitsondering van die politiese en ekonomies gemarginaliseerde groepe in die suid-centrale deel van die land. Die politieke logika is baie oppervlakkig in die geval van Somalia. Die vlak van beplanning rakende aanvalle op voedselsekuriteit, en gepaardgaande die belang van die politieke redenasies, blyk samehorig te wees met die vlak van organisasie van die sentrale regering, asook die teenwoordigheid of afwesigheid van ‘n sterk ideologie wat sekere dele van die populasie duidelik onderskei van andere. Ek beveel aan dat verdere navorsing onderneem word om te analiseer of gepaste teorie op hulpmiddele en konflik relevant geag kan word in verband met voedselaanvalle. Verder word addisionele navorsing benodig ingevolge die beperking en kontrolering van die newe effekte van Food Aid. Uiteindelik is dit van pas en belangrik om die omvang van effektiewe regeringsbeheer en/of die teenwoordigheid van ‘n oorkoepelende en bindende ideologie aangaande die effek daarvan op die politieke beredenerings agter die aanvalle op voedselsekuriteit te bestudeer. In hierdie opsig behoort hierdie navorsing uitgebrei te word om meer gevallestudies in te sluit met ‘n spesifieke fokus op die individuele faktore van regeringsbeheer, ideologie en politieke redenasie.

This research makes use of a Constructivist approach to norm development, in particular the concept of the norm life cycle, to assess the emergence and development of the responsibility to protect as a norm in international society in relation to the conduct of interventions on humanitarian grounds. This study finds that the responsibility to protect emerged relatively rapidly in international society as a norm relevant to the formulation and implementation of international responses to conflict situations characterised by the commission of atrocity crimes. Indeed, between 2001 and 2010, this study finds that the responsibility to protect norm became codified and entrenched in international organisation, and could therefore have been expected to influence state behaviour, and the discourse surrounding that behaviour, in relation to the conduct of interventions on humanitarian grounds. However, through an assessment of the application of the norm through the United Nations and the African Union to the conflicts in the Darfur region of Sudan from 2003 onwards, the study finds that the norm, while featuring relatively prominently in discourse surrounding Darfur between 2007 and 2008 in the United Nations, appears to have receded thereafter, disappearing from discourse by 2009 altogether, and appears not to have been useful to the attainment of its content goal, namely preventing or halting the commission of atrocity crimes, in the case of Darfur. Indeed, the norm may even have contributed to complicating, as opposed to facilitating, international engagement on Darfur. This study explores the apparent contradiction between the emergence and entrenchment of the responsibility to protect norm in international society at the same time as the norm appears to have increasingly faded from discourse surrounding international responses to the conflicts in Darfur, and assesses the implications of this both for the future development and utility of the norm, as well as for future responses to conflicts characterised by atrocity crimes on the African continent.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This study demonstrates application of the demand/supply model that derives from the three failures theory to the study of partnership effectiveness, showing that effective partnership is a partnership that provides each partner with assets that help them spend fewer resources on achieving their goals than when working alone, by compensating for each other's weaknesses while maximizing their own strengths. The study uses public-private partnership (PPP) in humanitarian settings as a unique opportunity to investigate partnership as a process and contribute to a nascent collaboration theory. The study shows that factors that define effective PPP during different stages of disaster relief are similar. However, different stages of partnership require different levels of compensation mechanisms from partnership participants to ensure that both actors maximize their strengths while achieving their missions. As a result, different stages of partnership call upon different combinations and degrees of factors affecting partnership effectiveness. This research uses descriptive data and inferential analysis, based on interviews with 10 representatives of humanitarian agencies that partner with the European Commission's Humanitarian Aid and Civil Protection Office. It gives scholars and practitioners of philanthropy insights into the question: "how to give?" It also provides collaboration research and public policy with guidance on how to create stronger partnerships and increase the likelihood of better collaboration outcomes as well as how to better deal with hazards in order to mitigate disaster outbreaks.

Magister Commercii - Mcom (Political Studies) / While they have emerged as global ideals based on the recognition of liberty, dignity and universal rights to 'all individuals' within the global community, human rights have faced numerous criticism and scepticism from the Global South. This research paper argues that such scepticism has had negative impact on the drive for the protection and promotion of human rights and International Human Rights Law in global politics. Given such huge challenges, this research paper points out that, unless the global human rights discourse undergoes significant reform and shift, its Western-centric domination will result into more harm than good in the international community's agenda for human rights protection and promotion. Postcolonial Africa has been at the forefront of the debate on the power-political use of the notion. As such, it has been argued that human rights discourse has influenced relations and policies between the West and the Third World, especially Africa. In this relationship, human rights have been viewed as a strategic tool for powerful states in global politics, to use in their quest to legitimise the case for political change. Furthermore, human rights have also been employed by governments seeking to justify their interference in the domestic affairs of other states, especially the West in the case of postcolonial Africa. It has therefore emerged that the human rights rhetoric/ discourse has been understood by postcolonial Africa as serving to establish a powerful perspective relating to the present and past collective experiences of injustice, exclusion and domination within global politics. Here, the global human rights regimes and Africa seem to be at a crossroads regarding the role of human rights in international politics.

Orientador: Sergio Luiz Cruz Aguilar / Banca: Rodrigo Duarte Fernandes dos Passos / Banca: José Geraldo Alberto Bertoncini Poker / Banca: José Blanes Sala / Resumo: O presente estudo tem por objetivo a investigação da criação de dois instrumentos da Organização das Nações Unidas para a garantia dos Direitos Humanos, o Conselho de Segurança e a Convenção para a Prevenção e Repressão do Crime de Genocídio. Além disso, a principal linha de estudo é que os dois instrumentos supracitados não conseguiram evitar que casos de genocídio voltassem a ocorrer após o Holocausto, como nos casos do Camboja, Antiga Iugoslávia, Ruanda e Darfur, estes dois últimos o foco deste trabalho. Para atingir o objetivo proposto foi feito um estudo cronológico dos eventos, começando pela criação da ONU e o Conselho de Segurança, passando pela Convenção do Genocídio até chegar aos casos dos países africanos. Esta metodologia nos permite entender que mesmo com os esforços das Nações Unidas para garantir a paz e a segurança internacional, os resultados mostram que as medidas não foram suficientes, cabendo então à reflexão dos porquês. O principal objetivo que levou ao estudo deste tema é a busca de entender os motivos da ineficiência da Convenção do Genocídio, buscando nas resoluções aprovadas pelo Conselho de Segurança uma semelhança entre os casos, mostrando assim se há um padrão. Havendo este padrão, se faz necessário entender quais interesses por parte dos países com direito a veto no Conselho, para saber se esses interesses tiveram relações com os genocídios. Sendo assim, a crítica à postura tanto dos membros permanentes, como também de todos os países signatários da Convenção para Prevenção e Repressão ao Crime de Genocídio é importante, pois todos falharam diversas vezes com suas responsabilidades, cabendo então a análise de possíveis alternativas. / Abstract: This study aims to investigate the creation of two instruments of the United Nations to guarantee the human rights, the Security Council and the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. In addition, the main line of the study is that the two aforementioned instruments failed to prevent cases of genocide returned to occur after the Holocaust, as in the cases of Cambodia, the former Yugoslavia, Rwanda and Darfur, the latter two the focus of this work. To achieve this purpose was made a chronological study of events, beginning with the UN's creation and the Security Council, through the Genocide Convention until you get to the cases of African countries. This methodology allows us to understand that even in with the UN efforts to ensure peace and international security, the results show that the measures were not enough, then fitting reflection of the whys. The main objective that led to the study of this theme is the quest to understand the reasons for the inefficiency of the Genocide Convention, seeking the resolutions adopted by the Security Council a similarity between the cases, showing if there is a pattern. Having this standard, it is necessary to understand what interests by the countries with a veto in the Council to see if these interests have relations with genocide. Therefore, the criticism of the stance of both the permanent members, as well as all countries signatories to the Convention for the Prevention and Repression of the Crime of Genocide is important since all failed several times with their responsibilities, then fitting the analysis of possible alternatives. / Mestre

<p>The debate on international intervention is a very difficult topic. As a main issue in it, the differences lies on decisions regarding - what, when and who. This essay will address the importance of accurate intervention in disaster affected states. It will identify what types of interventions that is most commonly used and if there is one type of intervention that are the most effective one. It will show if the disaster in it self related to the area in question will determine what kind of intervention that should be used – is the identification of them two the deciding factor or is there one particular intervention model that is better to use? The essay will also question whether intervention might lead to a weakened state sovereignty and if sovereignty has to be protected and be taken in consideration before any intervention can be done. To address this, recent history is analysed with two cases as examples – the Darfur conflict and Cyclone Nargis that struck Burma in 2008. The conflict in Darfur is a man-made disaster which  lead to plenty of suffering and many lost lives. Cyclone Nargis was a natural disaster which in it self caused many deaths. In Darfur the discussion regarding what, when and who delayed actions from the international association. It was also disrupted by the government in Khartoum constant refusals of help from the outside world. In Burma, relief could be sent in the initial phase, however, the government was hard to cooperate with, which made it quite impossible for the relief to reach all the affected areas. Putting the empirical part against those theories that has been brought up in this essay, the thesis of it has been answered with the conclusion that whether one type of intervention model is being used or another model, the most important part in any kind of intervention is that the humanitarian assistance along with the provision of needs for survival will reach those who has been affected by a disaster, also, not to create any kind of pressure against the affected state in question, this to prevent further conflicts.</p>

The debate on international intervention is a very difficult topic. As a main issue in it, the differences lies on decisions regarding - what, when and who. This essay will address the importance of accurate intervention in disaster affected states. It will identify what types of interventions that is most commonly used and if there is one type of intervention that are the most effective one. It will show if the disaster in it self related to the area in question will determine what kind of intervention that should be used – is the identification of them two the deciding factor or is there one particular intervention model that is better to use? The essay will also question whether intervention might lead to a weakened state sovereignty and if sovereignty has to be protected and be taken in consideration before any intervention can be done. To address this, recent history is analysed with two cases as examples – the Darfur conflict and Cyclone Nargis that struck Burma in 2008. The conflict in Darfur is a man-made disaster which  lead to plenty of suffering and many lost lives. Cyclone Nargis was a natural disaster which in it self caused many deaths. In Darfur the discussion regarding what, when and who delayed actions from the international association. It was also disrupted by the government in Khartoum constant refusals of help from the outside world. In Burma, relief could be sent in the initial phase, however, the government was hard to cooperate with, which made it quite impossible for the relief to reach all the affected areas. Putting the empirical part against those theories that has been brought up in this essay, the thesis of it has been answered with the conclusion that whether one type of intervention model is being used or another model, the most important part in any kind of intervention is that the humanitarian assistance along with the provision of needs for survival will reach those who has been affected by a disaster, also, not to create any kind of pressure against the affected state in question, this to prevent further conflicts.

The thesis investigates how China and the United States used state sovereignty in their official statements provided to the United Nations Security Council when discussing the Darfur conflict during the time period between 2004 and 2009. The thesis looks in particular at the official statements made with regards to the three different measures taken by the Security Council which were: the implementation of sanctions, the referral to the international criminal court and the deployment of peacekeeping. The thesis found that China applied a more cautious, but consistent, approach in which breaches of state sovereignty were never officially supported. The United States use of state sovereignty evolved as it became more willing over time to breach the sovereign rights of Sudan. The investigation into the official stance by China and the United States also provides general conclusions with regard to state sovereignty in contemporary international relations. First, the thesis finds that state sovereignty is still at the core of decision making in the United Nations Security Council, and as well in international relations, and there no present challenges to the role state sovereignty in contemporary international relations. Nonetheless, the different interpretations applied by states such as China and the United States, delays the decision-making process as states disagree on justifiable breaches of state sovereignty. State authorizes, such as the Government of Sudan, use state sovereignty as a barrier to effective international action to prevent atrocities and heinous crimes against humanity. In this application of state sovereignty, the rights of nation -states are protected more than the individual rights of human beings.

The thesis investigates how China and the United States used state sovereignty in their official statements provided to the United Nations Security Council when discussing the Darfur conflict during the time period between 2004 and 2009. The thesis looks in particular at the official statements made with regards to the three different measures taken by the Security Council which were: the implementation of sanctions, the referral to the international criminal court and the deployment of peacekeeping. The thesis found that China applied a more cautious, but consistent, approach in which breaches of state sovereignty were never officially supported. The United States use of state sovereignty evolved as it became more willing over time to breach the sovereign rights of Sudan. The investigation into the official stance by China and the United States also provides general conclusions with regard to state sovereignty in contemporary international relations. First, the thesis finds that state sovereignty is still at the core of decision making in the United Nations Security Council, and as well in international relations, and there no present challenges to the role state sovereignty in contemporary international relations. Nonetheless, the different interpretations applied by states such as China and the United States, delays the decision-making process as states disagree on justifiable breaches of state sovereignty. State authorizes, such as the Government of Sudan, use state sovereignty as a barrier to effective international action to prevent atrocities and heinous crimes against humanity. In this application of state sovereignty, the rights of nation -states are protected more than the individual rights of human beings.