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<p>Syftet med denna uppsats är att utreda begreppet folkmord och sedan analysera huruvida de våldshandlingar som drabbar Darfurs befolkning i Sudan kan klassificeras som folkmord eller inte. För att kunna göra detta ska vi först analysera begreppet folkmord enligt FNs stadga och sedan jämföra de kriterierna med andra kända akademikers syn på vad ett folkmord innebär.</p><p>Vi använder oss av en kvantitativ metod och genomför vår undersökning med hjälp av ett analysschema utformat från FNs kriterier för folkmord samt tre andra forskares kompletteringar. Dessa tre forskare är Chalk, Jonassohn och Fein. De första två är statsvetare och den tredje är sociolog. Genom att operationalisera FN stadgan samt forskarnas kriterier skapar vi bedömningskriterier för att kunna analysera konflikten i Sudan.</p><p>Vår studie visar att FNs kriterier anses vara för snävt av många. Det är svårt att kunna klassa en konflikt som folkmord enligt dessa kriterier då bilden av de drabbade är väldigt snävt definierad. Med kompletteringar till analysschemat ser vi starka antydningar på att det är ett folkmord som pågår i Darfur, men med brist på tillräckligt starka bevis kan vi inte säkert säga att så är fallet</p>

In 2003, a conflict broke out in Darfur, Sudan’s western province, between the mainly “African” rebels and the government forces and their proxy “Arab” militias. It is estimated that about 200,000 people have so far died in the conflict from fighting, disease, and starvation. The UN and aid agencies estimate that over two million Darfurians, out of the population of about six million, are living in refugee camps. Even though the majority of all deaths in Darfur have occurred in 2003 and 2004, the conflict is nowhere near the end. Even after more than five years since the Darfur conflict began, there is hardly any comprehensive information about the rebels’ aims, objectives, and plans for the future. We cannot fully understand the conflict and plan peace negotiations between the warring parties if we do not know enough about the rebels. This study has critically explored the aims and perspectives of the Justice and Equality Movement, currently the most powerful Darfur rebel movement. The author has used the first-hand information gathered through interviews with the representatives of the rebel movement and additional data about the conflict and the rebels collected through an extensive literature analysis to portray the movement and its aims, perspectives, and plans for the future. Using the grounded theory approach as the data analysis tool, the author has presented key findings about the Darfur conflict from the perspective of the Justice and Equality Movement that have emerged from the data collected in this study.

Sudan is located in the Northern part of the African continent and has a total land mass of 2.5 million square kilometres, with an estimated population of about 39.15 million people.1 Before the secession that established the South as an independent state from the North, Sudan was the largest country on the continent and hitherto was administered as a colony under the British mandate. From 1898 the United Kingdom (UK) and Egypt administered Sudan as an Anglo-Egyptian territory but North and South Sudan were administered as separate provinces of the condominium.2 In the early 1920s, the British passed the Closed District Ordinances which stipulated that passports were required for travelling between the two zones. Permits were also required to conduct business from one zone to the other, and totally separate administrations prevailed.3 However, in 1946 the British administration reversed its policy and decided to integrate North and South Sudan under one government. The South Sudanese authorities were informed at the Juba Conference of 1947 that they will be governed in the future under a common administrative authority with the north.5 From 1948, 13 delegates nominated by the British authorities represented the South in the Sudan Legislative Assembly. Many Southerners felt betrayed by the British as they were largely excluded from the new government. To them, it was a strategy by the British aimed at protecting their interest as far as colonial legacy is concerned.6 They complained that the language of the new government was Arabic and they were under represented. Of the eight hundred positions vacated by the British in 1953, only four were given to the Southerners. The political structure in the South was not as organized as that in the North and for this reason, political groupings and parties from the South were not represented at the various conferences that established the modern state of Sudan. As a result, many southerners did not consider Sudan to be a legitimate state. Although the Sudanese state was considered illegitimate by the Southerners, the Sudanese parliament unilaterally declared Sudan’s independence on 1st January 1956.8 Subsequently, the Arab-led Khartoum government reneged on promises it had made to Southerners to create a federal system. This led to a mutiny led by Southern army officers and sparked off a civil war after independence in 1956.9 Besides the issues highlighted above, the Abyei region of Sudan is rich in natural mineral resources and has been a bone of contention between the North and South. It has also affected Darfur negatively as most of the rebel groups involved in the Darfur conflict, like the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) and the Justice and Equity Movement (JEM), also seek for a share in the wealth of the region.10 However, before the June 2011 referendum, the UN Secretary-General, Ban Ki-moon called for the Sudan to withdraw all police officers from the Abyei region of South Sudan.11 Although the referendum resulted in the Republic of South Sudan, separating it from the North which remains the Republic of Sudan, political views expressed by the provinces in the North region have further captured more attention from the international community.12 The quest for Arab domination is common in this area and, one among the leading regions that have fallen prey to this practice is Darfur

More than 27 million people have been forced to leave their homes and have sought refuge in another part of their home country. Since they have not crossed an internationally recognized state border, they do not enjoy the same protection as refugees. The Westphalian principle of state sovereignty does not allow the international community to get involved and protect IDPs, as long as this intervention is not explicitly requested by the government. This paper defines internal displacement, shows its causes, and explores mechanisms to cope with the difficult situation of the internally displaced. A case study on the conflict in Darfur puts these issues into the real context of a complex humanitarian situation. The conflict in Darfur is an ethnic clash between the Arab supremacists in the Sudanese capital Khartoum and the African population in Darfur, which has existed since the 1980s and reached its climax in the past decade. The conflict has been the cause of one of the severest displacement tragedies considering the fact that the largest part of Sudan's more than five million IDPs are displaced in Darfur. The government has shown little interest in cooperating with the international community to assist civilians in Darfur, but is, on the contrary, generally suspected to be involved in the...

This project involves studying the connection between climate change and large scale conflict within Darfur. This has been accomplished by initially giving a summary of the history of Sudan and Darfur Sudan, while ending with a chronology of events leading up to 2002/3 when large scale conflict between ethnic groups and the state occured in Darfur. This is followed by an analysis of the events leading up to conflict, focusing on the group vs. group and group vs. state interacton over resources in the area which climate change brought about. Following this  is a discussion section in which relevant connections between the conflict in Dafur and outside forces are discussed. The conclusion lends to the fact that the confllict in Dafur is related to flow policies of managing confclit emitted from Khartoum.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Oregon, 2008. / Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. "List of journalists interviewed": p. 88. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 104-109). Also available online.

The African Union (AU) has pledged to create a continent of peace and solidarity. However, dozens of socio-ethnic conflicts occur across the continent despite the AU's best efforts to prevent them. In this thesis, case studies of Darfur and Western Sahara were used to assess the efficacy of the AU in the realm of peacemaking and peacekeeping. Within each of these studies, AU impediments to peacemaking and peacekeeping on financial, political, and socio-cultural fronts were analyzed. The findings suggest that while socio-cultural conflict continues to proliferate, the AU has neither the financial resources nor the political clout to meet peacemaking and peacekeeping milestones. Furthermore, findings from this research suggest that conflict founded upon socio-cultural diversity undermines the very foundation of regionalism solidarity and therefore compromises the overall application of regionalism as a mechanism for peacekeeping. This in turn stymies the AU from becoming internationally respected for making and keeping the peace.

<p>Uppsatsen behandlar Afrikanska Unionen (AU) och dess arbete för bevarandet av mänskliga rättigheter i konflikter, ett arbete som AU till största del misslyckats med. Darfur i Sudan är det konfliktområde som huvudsakligen tas upp. År 2002 övergick Organization of African Unity (OAU) till AU och därmed blev fokuseringen på mänskliga rättigheter större. I sitt arbete med mänskliga rättigheter utgår AU från African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) och Kommissionen (African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights) är den institution som enligt ACHPR har till uppdrag att verka för de mänskliga rättigheterna. En rad utvecklingar har skett bland de institutioner som arbetar med mänskliga rättigheter inom AU. Säkerhetsrådet Peace and Security Council (PSC) har bildats för att uppfylla AU:s ansvar att ingripa i konflikter. Dessutom har AU:s två domstolar slagits samman till African Court of Justice and Human Rights. Vidare har Kommissionens roll förändrats till att ge allt mer detaljerade rekommendationer. Utvecklingen i hanteringen av mänskliga rättigheter i konflikter har gått framåt genom övergången från OAU till AU. OAU kritiserades hårt på sin tid för att ej vara tillräckligt aktiva i konflikten i Rwanda, AU har däremot ett större mandat att ingripa i konflikter än OAU hade, och har kunnat tillsätta en fredsstyrka i Somalia, African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). Även i Darfur har AU tillsatt en fredsstyrka, African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS) för att stabilisera området. Konflikten i Darfur är omfattande och allvarliga kränkningar av mänskliga rättigheter har begåtts. Vidare har det diskuterats huruvida folkmord eller etnisk rensning skett i landet och vilken roll Sudans regering haft i denna fråga.</p>

Uppsatsen behandlar Afrikanska Unionen (AU) och dess arbete för bevarandet av mänskliga rättigheter i konflikter, ett arbete som AU till största del misslyckats med. Darfur i Sudan är det konfliktområde som huvudsakligen tas upp. År 2002 övergick Organization of African Unity (OAU) till AU och därmed blev fokuseringen på mänskliga rättigheter större. I sitt arbete med mänskliga rättigheter utgår AU från African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) och Kommissionen (African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights) är den institution som enligt ACHPR har till uppdrag att verka för de mänskliga rättigheterna. En rad utvecklingar har skett bland de institutioner som arbetar med mänskliga rättigheter inom AU. Säkerhetsrådet Peace and Security Council (PSC) har bildats för att uppfylla AU:s ansvar att ingripa i konflikter. Dessutom har AU:s två domstolar slagits samman till African Court of Justice and Human Rights. Vidare har Kommissionens roll förändrats till att ge allt mer detaljerade rekommendationer. Utvecklingen i hanteringen av mänskliga rättigheter i konflikter har gått framåt genom övergången från OAU till AU. OAU kritiserades hårt på sin tid för att ej vara tillräckligt aktiva i konflikten i Rwanda, AU har däremot ett större mandat att ingripa i konflikter än OAU hade, och har kunnat tillsätta en fredsstyrka i Somalia, African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). Även i Darfur har AU tillsatt en fredsstyrka, African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS) för att stabilisera området. Konflikten i Darfur är omfattande och allvarliga kränkningar av mänskliga rättigheter har begåtts. Vidare har det diskuterats huruvida folkmord eller etnisk rensning skett i landet och vilken roll Sudans regering haft i denna fråga.