This paper examines China’s policy towards human rights internationally with the intent of discerning real support for human rights. It compares China’s responses to two cases of mass human rights violations (the Darfur and Israel-Palestine conflicts) in which it has a serious interest (energy in particular). It finds that China treats human rights self-interestedly, but also has some support for them when its interests are not at stake.

This thesis explores how media has reported on the Darfur conflict as a climate conflict. For that purpose a media analysis has been carried out that analyses quantitative data through four different cases from different parts of the world. In order to get this data a quantitative content analysis has been carried out. The analysis has been carried out by using a media policy framework that enables the data to be classified in three different categories depending on the level of elite consensus and policy uncertainty on the matter at hand. This thesis concludes that media around the world have been reporting on climate change as a contributing factor depending on how that argument can be used to serve their geo-strategic policy on the conflict. In that sense climate change is mainly brought up as a way to relieve the Sudanese government of its responsibility in the conflict.

Submitted by THASSIO SOARES ROCHA ALVES null (thassiorocha@hotmail.com) on 2016-03-11T19:41:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTAÇÃO Thassio Alves.pdf: 1271683 bytes, checksum: a34da3a33a0b2c58a088c23fdcf718ef (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Juliano Benedito Ferreira (julianoferreira@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-03-15T16:24:04Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 alvez_tsr_me_mar.pdf: 1271683 bytes, checksum: a34da3a33a0b2c58a088c23fdcf718ef (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T16:24:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 alvez_tsr_me_mar.pdf: 1271683 bytes, checksum: a34da3a33a0b2c58a088c23fdcf718ef (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-26 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / O presente estudo tem por objetivo a investigação da criação de dois instrumentos da Organização das Nações Unidas para a garantia dos Direitos Humanos, o Conselho de Segurança e a Convenção para a Prevenção e Repressão do Crime de Genocídio. Além disso, a principal linha de estudo é que os dois instrumentos supracitados não conseguiram evitar que casos de genocídio voltassem a ocorrer após o Holocausto, como nos casos do Camboja, Antiga Iugoslávia, Ruanda e Darfur, estes dois últimos o foco deste trabalho. Para atingir o objetivo proposto foi feito um estudo cronológico dos eventos, começando pela criação da ONU e o Conselho de Segurança, passando pela Convenção do Genocídio até chegar aos casos dos países africanos. Esta metodologia nos permite entender que mesmo com os esforços das Nações Unidas para garantir a paz e a segurança internacional, os resultados mostram que as medidas não foram suficientes, cabendo então à reflexão dos porquês. O principal objetivo que levou ao estudo deste tema é a busca de entender os motivos da ineficiência da Convenção do Genocídio, buscando nas resoluções aprovadas pelo Conselho de Segurança uma semelhança entre os casos, mostrando assim se há um padrão. Havendo este padrão, se faz necessário entender quais interesses por parte dos países com direito a veto no Conselho, para saber se esses interesses tiveram relações com os genocídios. Sendo assim, a crítica à postura tanto dos membros permanentes, como também de todos os países signatários da Convenção para Prevenção e Repressão ao Crime de Genocídio é importante, pois todos falharam diversas vezes com suas responsabilidades, cabendo então a análise de possíveis alternativas. / This study aims to investigate the creation of two instruments of the United Nations to guarantee the human rights, the Security Council and the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. In addition, the main line of the study is that the two aforementioned instruments failed to prevent cases of genocide returned to occur after the Holocaust, as in the cases of Cambodia, the former Yugoslavia, Rwanda and Darfur, the latter two the focus of this work. To achieve this purpose was made a chronological study of events, beginning with the UN's creation and the Security Council, through the Genocide Convention until you get to the cases of African countries. This methodology allows us to understand that even in with the UN efforts to ensure peace and international security, the results show that the measures were not enough, then fitting reflection of the whys. The main objective that led to the study of this theme is the quest to understand the reasons for the inefficiency of the Genocide Convention, seeking the resolutions adopted by the Security Council a similarity between the cases, showing if there is a pattern. Having this standard, it is necessary to understand what interests by the countries with a veto in the Council to see if these interests have relations with genocide. Therefore, the criticism of the stance of both the permanent members, as well as all countries signatories to the Convention for the Prevention and Repression of the Crime of Genocide is important since all failed several times with their responsibilities, then fitting the analysis of possible alternatives.

From April-July 1994, over 800,000 people were killed in a genocide in Rwanda. Since 2004, over 450,000 people have been killed in a genocide in Darfur, Sudan. In both instances, physical and sexual dehumanization were used against the targeted groups. While dehumanization in genocide has been studied, most literature on dehumanization looks at it from a psychological viewpoint, and does not include the socio-economic factors that can lead to a population being dehumanized and targeted for genocide. In addition, research on the different types of dehumanization, especially sexual dehumanization, is needed in order to fully understand the role that dehumanization plays in encouraging and facilitating genocide. The purpose of this dissertation was to compare how dehumanization was/is used in the genocides in Rwanda and Darfur. Thus, in this study, I analyzed the literature on Rwanda and Darfur and explain how dehumanization was spread from the top down by both governments, the role structural violence played in the genocides, and the types of dehumanization, both physical and sexual, used in each genocide. This dissertation is a qualitative study that used case study methodology in order to review the existing literature on Rwanda and Darfur, as well as the literature on dehumanization. I argued that rape in Rwanda and Sudan was an act of genocide, done to inflict severe physical and mental harm upon the groups, as well as a measure intended to prevent births within the targeted group. I concluded with some policy recommendations, including mental health care for the survivors, steps to recognize and stop the spread of dehumanization of a targeted group, and the need to rehumanize not only the victims, but also the perpetrators, in order to build a lasting peace.

This thesis concentrates on the new role of African union (AU) as regional player in conflict resolution in Africa. Created in 2000 as heritage organisation after the not very successfull Organisation of african unity, AU took several measures in order to become a more effective actor in collective security and better suited for conflict resolution. In order to evaluate the perspectives and viability of AU as regional player in the security dimension, the thesis evaluates the case of the conflict in Darfur where AU plays a leading role in the efforts of the international community. Based on the theoretical framework of conflict resolution theory, it concentrates on the role of AU as regional player in conflict resolution and gives a glace into the topic of african regional organisations and their role in conflict resolution.

No description available.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study aimed to look at non-interference as a doctrine in China’s Africa Policy. This involved looking at the non-interference principle in general, not only in Beijing’s policies. The non-interference principle as contained in the policies of the African Union, United Nations and in the policies of Western and Asian states were discussed, noting a gradual shift away from strict non-interference towards non-indifference and humanitarian intervention. Beijing’s orthodox understanding of non-interference, on the other hand, is based on respect for the sovereignty of other states and a belief that, unless requested, no state should interfere in the domestic affairs of another state. The doctrine of non-interference, as understood by Beijing was then applied to the crisis in Darfur. In the case of Darfur, Beijing initially adhered to its understanding of non-interference, in spite of criticism that its behaviour was based solely on China’s own interests. China initially ignored international expectations to intervene in the affairs of Khartoum. In fact, Beijing continued to support Khartoum and abstained from UN Security Council resolutions on the matter. Initially the government in Beijing was not willing to make any adjustments to the non-interference doctrine, as the situation in Darfur did not seem to present any reason for Beijing to disregard its own policies. Yet Beijing gradually shifted in non-interference; seen in its pressure on Khartoum to allow the AU/UN hybrid peacekeeping force. The reasons for the shift are ascribed to various factors ranging from international pressure and even the possible reputational risk. China managed to balance its economic and political interests in Sudan with its duties and expectations of the Security Council. At the same time, Beijing continued to protect the sovereignty of the Khartoum government by adhering to its beliefs of the right of the state. The subtle shift away from Beijing’s orthodox understanding of non-interference can be seen as China changing its non-interference doctrine to suit its new role in the international community. It can also be seen as China still adhering to the non-interference doctrine, as it places emphasis on avoiding sanctions and still requires permission from the host state for external intervention. Another key element is that it adapted when its interests were at risk. It would seem probable that this trend will continue, resulting rather in Beijing implementing a form of ‘pro-active non-interference’ based on the situation. Such a position would indicate a shift in the doctrine of non-interference based on the situation and pressure, but according to certain core values of Beijing. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die navorser het ondersoek ingestel na die nietussenkomsleerstelling soos dit in China se Afrika-beleid vervat word. Die nietussenkomsbeginsel soos geformuleer in die beleidsdokumente van die Afrika-unie (AU), Verenigde Nasies (VN), en in die beleidsdokumente van die Westerse en Oosterse state is ook ondersoek. Die wegbeweging van die streng toepassing van die nietussenkomsleerstelling na ’n beleid van onverskilligheid en tussenkoms wat gebaseer is op die beskerming van menseregte was ’n geleidelike proses. Beijing se konvensionele begrip van hierdie beginsel was volgehou met die verstand dat soewereiiteit van ander state gerespekteer moet word en state nie moet inmeng by die interne sake van ander state nie, behalwe wanneer dit versoek word. Die klem word in beleidsdokumente eerder gelê op respek, gelykheid, samewerking en wedersydse voordeel. Die nietussenkomsleerstelling soos dit verstaan word deur Beijing word ondersoek aan die hand van die Dafoer-krisis. Dit toon Beijing het aanvanklik volgehou met die toepassing van die nietussenkomsleerstelling in China se buitelandsse beleid en optrede, ten spyte van die aantuigings dat hierdie gedrag slegs ter wille van eie belang is. Beijing het haar aanvanklik nie aan die internasionale gemeenskap se verwagting om in te gryp by die sake van Khartoum gesteur nie; China het aangehou om Khartoum te ondersteun en van die VN-veiligheidsraad te weerhou rakende hierdie kwessie. Beijing se optrede teenoor Khartoum het met tyd verander. Sjinese verteenwoordigers het druk op Khartoum begin plaas in 2006 om AU/VN-magte in Darfoer toe te laat. Verskeie redes kan aangevoer word hoekom Beijing uiteindelik haar beleid aangepas het. Van hierdie redes sluit in internasionale druk en die moontlikheid vir China om nie meer as gasheerland vir die Olimpiese Spele in 2008 op te tree nie. Dit kom voor of China daarin geslaag het om die land se ekonomiese en politiese belange in Soedan te balanseer met die verwagtinge wat ander lande van China as ’n permanente VN-lid gehad het. Beijing het gepoog om in so ’n mate in te gryp dat Khartoum se soewereiniteit steeds gerespekteer word. Aan die hand van hierdie subtiele veranderinge in China se beleid en optrede, kan die afleiding gemaak word dat Beijing nie die nietussenkomsleerstelling streng toegepas het nie, maar na die Darfoer-krisis eerder neig na ’n proaktiewe toepassing van die nietuseenkomsleerstelling. Byvoorbeeld, Beijing keur steeds nie die instelling van sanksies goed nie en vereis dat soewereinitiet van state gerespekteer word. Dit blyk dat China die buitelandse beleid aangepas het om steeds die land se belange te beskerm en om te voldoen aan die internasionale vereistes. Hierdie meer proaktiewe optrede blyk om net in sekere gevalle toegepas te word. Daar word bevind dat daar ’n aanpassing van die is met betrekking tot die oorspronklike posisie van die nietussenkomsleerstelling. Beijing sal egter voortgaan om getrou te wees aan aspekte van die oorspronklike leerstelling.

This dissertation seeks to explore the principle of complementarity, its advantages and its success so far through the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) self-referral to the International Criminal Court (ICC). It seeks also to investigate whether there are loopholes in the principle of complementarity, especially with regard to referrals by the Security Council involving states that are not parties to the Rome Statute. In particular the dissertation seeks to explore whether states can use this principle to hamper the efforts of the ICC to bring justice to victims of the most serious crimes of international concern and to end impunity / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2008. / A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr Raymond Koen of the Faculty of Law, University of Western Cape, South Africa / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

This thesis explores the obstacles in establishing a consistent and effective response framework for humanitarian catastrophe and the importance of maintaining a sustained dialogue to this end. It does so by recognizing the underlying conflict between two positions: the norm of non-intervention of states into the affairs of others, and the protection of individuals caught in the middle of violent conflict. The importance of working towards a resolution of this conflict is illustrated through the case study of Darfur, where a divided international community led an insufficient response to the crisis that can ultimately be judged as a failure. Lastly, a recent attempt at reconciling the non-intervention/protection conflict is examined through the report of the Responsibility to Protect, which takes important steps in the direction of consensus, but ultimately suffers from inflated expectations regarding its scope or purpose.

The media’s role is to disseminate accurate and objective information about particular phenomena but the media itself is rarely an objective institution. In international relations, the media exists as a non-state actor, able to exert power through its representation, reinforcement and the possibility to challenge the narrative of a particular conflict or intervention. The hypothesis of this paper is that the media does not play the role of neutral observer in a conflict. Using the New York Times’ coverage at the start of the Darfur conflict in 2004 as a case study, this paper discusses how the newspaper reported on the conflict, exploring how the description of the conflict, its root cause and actors involved, as created by the coverage as well as the calls for international intervention demonstrates the role of the media as a nonstate actor. Using discourse analysis and discussing power and representation through language and framing, it links international relations theory with that of media theory to show how the media is situated within discourse, where it creates and recreates historical representation. This paper suggests that through a more nuanced description of the Darfur conflict and subsequent intervention and more interrogation of the accepted narrative, the media could have created a richer contribution to the existing discourse on the Darfur conflict specifically and conflict in general.