In this chapter, I show that the Sortes Astrampsychi and related lot and ticket oracles from Graeco-Roman Egypt quite frequently allude to legal issues or concrete acts of judicial life. I conclude that people asked oracles for help in legal matters, or, put differently, that the oracles formed part of the Egyptian system(s) of justice. I place this aspect of the Sortes Astrampsychi in context by discussing a selection of text types such as oracles, temple oaths, and amulet decrees dating back as far as the New Kingdom (1550 BCE) and argue that we need to interpret these texts in two ways: as texts of ritual practices and as texts of Egyptian/Ptolemaic/Roman Imperial law. I present case studies from ritual texts of Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt in Greek and Demotic where practitioners, mainly qualified temple personnel, acted as intermediates between humans and gods to find solutions in certain legal matters.

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Ammianus Marcellinus Bemerkungen über Orakelpraktiken im Bes-Tempel von Abydos werden als Ausgang für diese Studie gewählt. In RG 19, 12, 3-16 erfahren wir, dass das nicht beschiedene Exemplar eines Ticket-Orakels im Tempelarchiv verblieb, um anschließend auf mögliche kaiser- und „staats“-feindliche Inhalte kontrolliert zu werden. Darunter fällt u.a. die seit 11. n. Chr. verbotene Frage nach dem Todeszeitpunkt des Kaisers. Diese Aussage soll anhand der vorhandenen Orakelfragen aus Ägypten überprüft und das in der Datenbank vorhandene Quellenmaterial zu Religion, Ritualtexten, Magie und Divination / Mantik vorgestellt werden. Besondere Berücksichtigung erfährt hierbei die Frage, ob genuin pagane Rituale in frühchristlicher Zeit statistisch gesehen eine Wandlung erfahren.

Editiv princeps of the Demotic ostracon O.Lips ÄMUL dem. 1418, a Ptolemaic receipt for the syntaxis tax from Thebes. The second part of the article lists the published evidence for this tax and discusses previous scholarship on the syntaxis.

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Climate change is one of the greatest threats recently, of which the developing countries are facing most of the brunt. In the fight against climate change, forests can play an important role, since they hold a substantial amount of terrestrial carbon and can therefore affect the global carbon cycle. Forests are also an essential source of livelihood for a remarkably high proportion of people worldwide and a harbor for rich global biodiversity. Forests are however facing high deforestation rates. Deforestation is regarded as the most widespread process of land cover change (LCC), which is the conversion of one land cover type to the other land cover type. Most of this deforestation occurs in developing countries. Agricultural expansion has been reported as the most significant widespread driver of deforestation in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. This deforestation is altering the balance of forest carbon stocks and threatening biodiversity. Pakistan is also a low forest cover country and faces high deforestation rates at the same time, due to the high reliance of local communities on forests. Moreover, it is also the most adversely affected by climate change. Agricultural expansion and population growth have been regarded as the most common drivers of deforestation in Pakistan. Financial incentives such as ‘Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation, and the Role of Conservation of Forest Carbon, Sustainable Management of Forests and Enhancement of Forest Carbon Stocks’ (REDD+) offer hope for developing countries for not only halting deforestation but also alleviating poverty. However, such initiatives require the estimation of biomass and carbon stocks of the forest ecosystems. Therefore, it becomes necessary that the biomass and carbon potentials of the forests are explored, as well as the LCCs are investigated for identifying the deforestation and forest degradation hit areas. Based on the aforementioned, the following research objectives/sub-objectives were investigated in the MHNP, which is adjoined with the capital city of Pakistan, Islamabad; A) Forest Biomass and Carbon Stock Assessment of Margalla Hills National Park (MHNP) A.1) Aboveground Biomass (AGB) and Aboveground Carbon (AGC) assessment of the Subtropical Chir Pine Forest (SCPF) and Subtropical Broadleaved Evergreen Forest (SBEF) using Field Inventorying Techniques A.2) Exploring linear regression relationship between Sentinel-1 (S1) and Sentinel-2 (S2) satellite data with the AGB of SCPF and SBEF A.3) AGB estimation combining remote sensing and machine learning approach B) LC Classification and Land Cover Change Detection (LCCD) of MHNP for the time-period between 1999 and 2019 B.1) LC Classification for the years 1999, 2009 and 2019 using Machine Learning Algorithm B.2) LCCD of MHNP between 1999 to 2019.

Ausgehend von POxy 27,2469 lassen sich für den im Codex Paris. Suppl. Graec. 607 enthaltenen Text des Aristodemos (FGrH 104 F 1) Parallelen, Kopien und Auszüge in der antiken Überlieferung erkennen: Nicht nur in den Scholien (zu Aristophanes, Hermogenes), sondern auch bei Plutarch und in der Überlieferung von Aristophanes’ Pax ist eine antike Tradition erhalten, die sich für den Aristodemos-Text auf das 4. Jh. v. Chr. zurückführen läßt. Die Umdeutung historischer Ereignisse des 5. Jh.s (Salamis, Pausanias’ Schicksal, der Ausbruch des Peloponnesischen Krieges) in eine reine, attische Sieghaftigkeit und die Strukturierung des Textes durch literarische Inschriften (Pausanias- Epigramm, Diskus-Inschrift der Spartaner), Sprüche und Zitate (Zitate aus Aristophanes’ Pax und Acharnern, Sprüche zu Themistokles und Perikles) ist so eng mit der Atthidographie verbunden, daß für das Original, aus dem der vorliegende Text zusammengefaßt wurde, sehr wahrscheinlich eine Atthis zu vermuten ist. / The text of Aristodemos (FGrH 104 F 1), included into the Codex Paris. Suppl. Greac. 607, whose authenticity is supported by POxy 27, 2469, displays parallels, copies and abstracts of other ancient texts: Not only the Scholia of Aristophanes and Hermogenes, but also Plutarch and Aristophanes’ Pax hold an ancient tradition that with respect to the text of Aristodemos can be traced back to the 4th century BC. The reinterpretation of historical events of the 5th century BC (the battle of Salamis, the fate of Pausanias, the outbreak of the Peleponnesian War) as mere Attic victoriousness and the structure of the text, being influenced by literary inscriptions (the epigram of Pausanias, the inscription of the Spartans on a discus), sayings and quotations, can be shown as strongly connected with Atthidographers. This leads to the conclusion that the original which the text at hand was composited from derived from an Atthis.

Ausgabe der Stele MAA 1939.552, die 1938 in Amara West entdeckt wurde in Amara West im Jahr 1938 entdeckt, aber nie richtig veröffentlicht wurde. Der Text ist militärischer Natur und berichtet über eine noch unbekannte Landschlacht gegen die Philister im Jahr 3 eines Königs, dessen Name verloren ist. Während die Stele Ramses IV zugewiesen wurde, wird eine Datierung in die Regierungszeit Regierungszeit von Ramses III. vorgeschlagen, was den Beginn des Konflikts des Konflikts mit dieser Gruppe von Seevölkern um fünf Jahre fünf Jahre. Außerdem ist der Text teilweise in Hieratisch eingeritzt, was für königliche Kriegsberichte ungewöhnlich ist, und liefert somit einen weiteren, außergewöhnlichen Beleg für die lapidare Hieratik. / Edition of stela MAA 1939.552, which was discovered in Amara West in 1938, but which was never properly published. The text is of a military nature and records a yet unknown land battle against the Philistines in the year 3 of a king whose name is lost. Whereas the stela was previously assigned to Ramses IV, a dating into the reign of Ramses III is proposed, thereby predating the beginning of the conflict with this group of the Sea Peoples by five years. Moreover, the text is partially incised in hieratic, which is unusual for royal war reports, and thus it provides further, exceptional evidence for lapidary hieratic.

In Book 1 of the Argonautica, Apollonios Rhodios counts out the names of 55 heroes who set off to win the Golden Fleece. All the heroes are given genealogical details that often contribute to their characterisation. Only Admetus’ γενεή is passed over in silence by the catalogue. This was noted already by H. Fränkel, who suspected a lacuna in the text. However, there is another solution to the problem. The distinctive relationship of Admetus to his parents is detailed nowhere more clearly and drastically than in Euripides’ Alcestis. In what is perhaps the most bitter agon in Greek tragedy, the father and son quarrel so severely that Admetus throws his parents out of the house and from then on wishes not to be regarded as their son. Apollonios assumes a knowledge of this famous quarrel among his readers or hearers, and he shows the sad consequences of this unreconciled generational conflict by breaking the convention of filiation and silently calling to mind the unresolved problems of the Alcestis.