<p>The aim of this essay is to study the development of democracy in the Halland province, with focus on participating measures. First and foremost to test earlier research about the causes of the development of democracy, which says that the work takes place with obvious variation between the municipalities and that it is caused by economic resources and experienced problems in the democracy. The purpose is also to conduct a general discussion about the conditions and effects of the development.</p><p>Thus the method can be characterised as theory consuming because I as far as possible assume the method that has been used in earlier research. Still, my study is limited to the six municipalities of the Halland province and is therefore a study of few cases. One person in each municipality has been interviewed in order to collect a list of all the measures that have been carried out. This material has been analyzed with a variety of variables. </p><p>The results points out that neither economic resourses nor experienced problems in the democracy can be considered as satisfactory causes, at least not in these six cases. Instead, the results tell that the incidence of driving forces and real enthusiasts is a better explanation, which together with a well-functioning local government administration are the most important factors for achieving positive effects in the participating democracy.</p>

The aim of this essay is to study the development of democracy in the Halland province, with focus on participating measures. First and foremost to test earlier research about the causes of the development of democracy, which says that the work takes place with obvious variation between the municipalities and that it is caused by economic resources and experienced problems in the democracy. The purpose is also to conduct a general discussion about the conditions and effects of the development. Thus the method can be characterised as theory consuming because I as far as possible assume the method that has been used in earlier research. Still, my study is limited to the six municipalities of the Halland province and is therefore a study of few cases. One person in each municipality has been interviewed in order to collect a list of all the measures that have been carried out. This material has been analyzed with a variety of variables. The results points out that neither economic resourses nor experienced problems in the democracy can be considered as satisfactory causes, at least not in these six cases. Instead, the results tell that the incidence of driving forces and real enthusiasts is a better explanation, which together with a well-functioning local government administration are the most important factors for achieving positive effects in the participating democracy.

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Resume In the first part of the graduation thesis Limits of Democracy qualifies the term of democ- racy, the return to democracy sources, especially to the archaic Greece, where democracy began and then developed thanks to the philosophers were like Socrates, Plato or Aristotle. At that time, democracy had strong competition and was created various ideologies and forms of government. Democracy was not made at that time and was standing in the shad- ows of history. In the next part of the graduation thesis author deals with return of democratic thinking in the French Revolution, their thinkers were like Charles Louis de Secondat, baron de La Brède et de Montesquieu and Jean-Jeacques Rousseau who became the inspiration for a revolutionary campaign. In France after the revolution started to emerge riots, wars with neighbors and followed terror. In this part of the graduation thesis author defines the term totalitarian democracy and points to the "democratic" process in 2011 during the Arab Spring. Then the author focuses on today's modern democracy and analyzes the United States as a state, as a bearer of democracy. State that this ideology spreads and becomes uncompro- misingly authority that considers what is democratic and what is not. In this part of thesis is reminded the origin of USA and related issues...

Master Thesis called Are the development aid and democracy inseparable? aims to find out what impact does development aid have on democracy. The development aid is divided into four groups. Hypotheses are tested on data of 48 of countries from Sub-Saharan Africa in the period starting from the end of the Cold War and ending in 2009. In order to achieve its aim, the study uses regression model of ordinary least squares in combination with moving averages, when in position of dependent variable stands either value of democracy according to Polity IV Project or value of democracy evaluated by Freedom House. In first two chapters is presented theoretical concept of this study, on which this study is based on. In third chapter dependent and independent variables are analyzed including their descriptive characteristics. In the fourth and the fifth chapter the basic model is introduced, estimated results are analyzed and in following sixth chapter the model and results are tested. The estimated results of both models confirm the hypothesis about positive influence of human capital development aid on democracy. On the contrary, both models disprove the hypothesis about positive relationship of institutional aid with democracy and they both find negative influence of institutional development aid on...

This diploma thesis reflects theories of C. B. Macpherson. It is concerned about his visions of democracy as a one-class society, which is formed by constituing liberalism into class divided society. Text pays attention to writters, whose inspired Macpherson, and also aims to analyse other theories of liberal democratic writters who are concerned about problematic of democracy and private property. The most important part of this thesis deals with main critics of Macphersons and his important concepts such as net transfer of power, differencing between the consumer ethics or developmental ethics and so on. After analysing these texts thesis tries the defensibility of Macphersons theory and also evaluates usefulness of this theory for these days. key words: liberal democracy, capitalism, development of human powers, socialism, net transfer of powers, Macpherson

Wie beheimatet sich Menschen in einer Stadt fühlen, hängt davon ab, wie politisch eingebunden sie sich begreifen. Die Entstehung von Mitbestimmungsformen in Chemnitz verlief – wie in vielen anderen Städten – nicht reibungslos. Auch die Inhalte variierten über die Jahrhunderte: Wollten die Bürger bis zum Ende der mittelalterlichen Stadtverfassung Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts vor allem über die Besteuerung, die Gerichtsbarkeit und elementare Sicherheitsfragen mitbestimmen, ging es bis 1919 um die Durchsetzung des allgemeinen Wahlrechts, das Frauen einschloss, um sozialen Ausgleich und die großen Infrastrukturprojekte der Gründerzeit. Nach Rückschritten in der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus und der DDR bekam Chemnitz mit der Gemeindeordnung Sachsens von 1994 eine freiheitliche Kommunalverfassung, die auch Raum für weitere Neuerungen lässt – wie etwa Einwohnerversammlungen in den Stadtvierteln. Zwischen mehr Mitbestimmung und effizienten Entscheidungen entsteht dabei ein gewisser Gegensatz. Dieses Bändchen bringt die Hintergründe einer aktuellen Debatte auf den Tisch. / Forms and content of political participation in Chemnitz

This study aims to investigate the democracy development i Bosnia and Herzegovina. Since 1995, when the Dayton Peace Agreement was signed, Bosnia has been undergoing an democratization, but despite that the country is still year 2017 classified as ”partly free”. In this study the democracy-enhancing factors: civil society and the political system are being related to the Dayton Peace Agreement and are tested against liberal democratic values and Consociational Democracy theory. This study is a qualitative case study and following questions are being looked into:   -       Which factors within the civil society and political system limit the democracy development in Bosnia and Herzegovina? -       To what extent does the Dayton Peace Agreement limit Bosnia and Herzegovina’s democracy development? -       To what extent is Bosnia and Herzegovina an Consociational Democracy?   The fact that Bosnia has a divided and multiethnic society puts a foundational ground for a possible consolidated consociational democracy. Furthermore, the functions of the civil society, political system and the Dayton Peace Agreement are being discussed and the shortcomings of each are being highlighted. The results of this study indicate that Bosnia’s long democratization development is primarly based on the unwillingness to cooperation between the three constitutional groups, the exclusion of minority groups and the Dayton Peace Agreement’s regulations on a political system that is not sustainable for a stable democratic state.

The United States of America and the institutions of the European Union are the most prominent democracy assistance donors in third countries. Over the last two decades, they have spent tens of billions of dollars to support the formation and consolidation of democratic regimes around the world. In this sense, the US and the EU have seemingly shared interests - i.e. seeking to build democratic institutions in target countries so that these become part of the community of democracies and contribute to the stability of the world's economic and political system. However, if we look at the approaches and strategies used by the US and the EU to support democracy, we find that they are often quite different and, in some respects, clashing. Why are the approaches of both actors different if they strive to reach the same goal? Or - upon closer examination - are their goals indeed somewhat different? The key problem is that democracy as such is a contested concept, so it is necessary to ask the question: if we are promoting democracy, what kind of democracy do we mean? If we finance the development of one or the other institution, what model of democratic establishment will be created? The thesis takes a constructivist view of this issue and demonstrates how the different democratic identities of the two...