The Vietnamese people have always harboured an extraordinarily strong patriotic drive. But the government formed by Ho Chi Minh (1890-1969) after the Declaration of Independence of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) on the 2nd September 1945, the group that was to represent majority Vietnamese opinion until and after 1975, was spearheaded by the Vietminh (League for Vietnam's Independence) - a movement that did not define itself as Nationalist, but rather as an expressly Communist group. When the people of Vietnam looked for leadership, this was the obvious group to choose - the only movement prepared and willing to step in (other, more nationalist resistance groups had prematurely flourished and failed, as shall be discussed). In the Vietnam that found itself suddenly free at the close of the Second World War, no other lobby was ready, no group presented itself nationally as the Communists were and did. The Liberation Army that seized control of town after town was the military arm of the Viet Minh, formed in 1944 under Vo Nguyen Giap (b. 1912), an element of a movement that published its manifesto in February 1930, that had begun preparation and ideological training in the late 1920's in Guangzhou under Ho Chi Minh. Given the long preparation carried out by the Vietminh, the progression to the declaration of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam as a Communist nation with Ho at its head was a natural one. Whilst that development seems logical given the conditions of the day, the manner in which those conditions were reached (or manipulated) has been the subject of intense debate. Was that natural progression one in which the ideologists of Communist revolution 'captured' the Nationalist movement, exploited a nationalistic fervour to produce the desired revolt, using the front of the Viet Minh to blend their esoteric dogmas with the more easily understood nationalist cause of resistance? This is a perception held by many modern historians - that, in effect, Communists are the parasites of the modernization process. This attitude was and is encouraged by examination of advice given to Asian revolutionaries by their Soviet counterparts; Grigori Zinoviev (1833-1936) - later to die by Stalin's order - argued in 1922 that Communists should co-operate with the rising nationalists in Asia, gain the leadership of their movement, and then cast aside the genuine national leaders. For by itself, the tiny Indochina Communist Party could never have hoped to attract the support of politically engaged Vietnamese, let alone the hearts and minds of the nation at large. This is the essence of the currently accepted analysis of the revolutionary Vietnamese setting - that the Communist lobby exploited a majority furious with the abuses of French rule, sliding Communism into a dominant role in Vietnamese life. The majority of people had not fought for a communist government, but to be rid of the colonial occupying power. Such a perception, as shall be discussed, is representative of the Western reading of the whole Southeast Asian region of the day. The Vietnamese people were accustomed to the use of violence to protect their independence; perennial opposition to expansionist China meant that few peoples in Asia had been compelled to fight longer and harder to retain their identity as a separate and independent state than the Vietnamese. Whilst the ability and commitment of the Vietcong in resistance to outside power has been recognised, the strong sense of Vietnamese identity in and of itself has never really been acknowledged beyond the most simplistic of terms by external observers, perhaps because of the difficulty of comprehending how such an emotion can form when looking at the odd shape of the nation on a map. Such a lack of awareness allows supposed Vietnam specialists to assert that the dominant Vietnamese self-assessment is the extent to which the country is not Chinese (and, to a lesser extent, not French) rather than entering into a more significant analysis of how a national identity formed: how, whilst certainly influenced by feelings of encirclement and domination, Vietnam also developed a separate, distinct sense of self. This, whilst a sense that has only relatively recently manifested itself in territorial demands, is a longstanding emotion and sense, in and of itself. Given an understanding of that sense or merely an awareness of its existence, the willingness of the Vietnamese to combat the most powerful nation on Earth, though certainly impressive, needs little explanation; this work has attempted to explore a more difficult question - why they chose the dogma that served them. The idea that the majority of the Vietnamese people had not fought for a communist government, but to be rid of the colonial occupying power is in truth the presentation of a false dichotomy. The fact that a group within a broad movement participates for different reasons from another group does not necessarily imply exploitation or pretense. Neither does the fact that one has a strong political ideology such as socialism forbid the possession of any other political inclination, such as patriotism. The concept of a socialist exploitation of Vietnamese nationalism will be opposed here: a discussion of the disputed importance of nationalism to the Vietnamese Communist movement in resistance, and of Communism to the nationalist movement, will form the subject of this essay. The unity of Vietnam under Communist government in 1975 seems a fitting end to the period to be considered. Much of interest - the politics behind partition, or the Communist-led conduct of war with America, for example - can be considered only briefly; fortunately, these are issues considered in great depth elsewhere. The central issue to this work shall be the development of the Communist movement in French Indochina, and the thesis herein shall be that nationalism and Marxist-Leninism occupied a symbiotic relationship in the motivation of the Communist movement and its chief practitioners in the nation once again known as Vietnam.

<p>This dissertation approaches the problem of war in Christian ethics through the lens of the Democratic Republic of Congo. Drawing upon memoirs, letters, sermons, and fieldwork, it shifts the focus of moral inquiry from theoretical positions on war (e.g., just war theory and pacifism) to the domain of everyday life and the ways that local Christians theologically frame and practically reason through conflict. I explore the 1996-1997 Rwandan refugee crisis through the voice of a Catholic survivor, Marie Béatrice Umutesi, and consider how her narrative challenges both just war interpretations of this violence and "bare life" readings of refugee experience. I then examine how the Catholic Church endured rebel occupation in the eastern city of Bukavu from 1998-2000, looking specifically at how Archbishop Emmanuel Kataliko's Christological reading of the situation transformed the experience of suffering into a form of agency and galvanized the Church into collective action. I go on to explore how residents of the town of Nyankunde in northeastern Congo are constructing alternatives to the war economy and re-weaving ordinary life out of the ruins of their former lives. In showing how local narratives help us reframe the problem of war in Christian ethics, I argue that description is not a preliminary stage to moral judgment; description is moral judgment.</p> / Dissertation

This paper considers the situation of Congolese women and their almost complete social, political and economic marginalization in society. The Congolese constitution formulates the principle of gender parity between men and women; however, numerous provisions of the law still actively discriminate against women, relegating them to the status of second-class citizens. The violent conflict that the Congo has experienced and continues to experience has only exacerbated the socio-economic and cultural differences in status between men and women. How are Congolese women responding to these obstacles and have they been able to make any sustainable gains in doing so? The findings of this paper contend that despite the inequities that they experience in the social, political and economic spheres, Congolese women have in fact been able to take steps towards achieving gender equality. The conflict that has so negatively affected them has also provided them with intended and unintended opportunities for improving their situation. One such opportunity is evident in the creation of City of Joy, a women empowerment program established and developed entirely by Congolese women. A refuge for survivors of sexual violence, City of Joy helps rehabilitate these women with the hope that they will have acquired the necessary tools to catalyze social change as they are reintegrated into their respective communities after the six-month program. City of Joy as a case study illustrates both the opportunities for empowerment and change as well as the difficulties of providing women with meaningful agency given the structural obstacles that they are faced with. Although it is difficult to evaluate the long-term success and sustainability of the program, the general observations that can be gleaned from this example demonstrate that war and conflict can create fresh beginnings and new opportunities for women to produce their own social, political and economic realities. City of Joy, although limited in scope, is a socially enhancing program and a pragmatic step toward increasing the probability of a peaceful outcome in the aftermath of a brutal and long-lasting conflict and will ultimately have a positive long-term effect Congolese society.

Beyond Charitable Imperialism investigates the role of film, digital media, and music in mediating social and political change in conflict regions with specific attention to the aesthetic choices, ethical implications, and lived consequences of audio-visual production in and about Congo. This study intervenes in the discourse on activist African cinema through a bi-directional investigation of (1) increasingly prominent instances of aesthetic and ideological practices in Congolese film that are emerging as central to larger projects of social transformation, and (2) the extent to which humanitarian narratives depicting present-day Congo obscure or expose the ongoing, neo-colonial power struggle between Congo and the West. My research includes critical analyses of temporality, memory, and language in audio-visual representations of Congo, as well as extensive field research investigating embodied instances of the 'film act.' In this context I advocate a historically informed reading of the correlation between current cinema practices and contemporary history based on the evolutionary relationship between audio-visual media, politics, and identity. Drawing on frameworks of militant Third Cinema this study interrogates the role of media in the creation and dissemination of 'Truth' and thereby draws pointed attention to global consequences that form the basis of what I call charitable imperialism. With methodological inspiration across disciplinary lines from scholars including Frantz Fanon, Teshome Gabriel, and Stuart Hall, I offer an anatomy of the particular ways in which film can emerge as a real means of social transformation in the face of conflict and mental colonization. Central to this inquiry is the history of resistance embedded in Congolese musical practices. I suggest that, fortified by intersections with visual technology, the elevated cultural capital of song as a vehicle of social mobilization is reconstituting both music and visual media and increasingly allowing Congolese voices to participate in global dialogues on their own terms. Ultimately I conclude that mediated agency effectively challenges charitable imperialism and repositions Congolese subjects as viable agents of sustainable social transformation. / African and African American Studies

No description available.

In the decade from 1998 to 2008, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) was witness to one of the most brutal violent conflicts in recent history. Crimes against humanity and large-scale violations of human rights occurred on a regular basis, resulting in the death and displacement of millions of people. The international community responded to this crisis with humanitarian efforts such as the donation of billions of dollars in aid and engagement in diplomatic mediations. However, despite the increasing viability of humanitarian intervention as a policy option for international actors, as well as the ‘groundbreaking’ formal adoption of the Responsibility to Protect at the 2005 United Nations World Summit, no intervention was undertaken. This produces a puzzle: why, despite acknowledgement of the severity of the crisis, did the international community respond with humanitarianism, but stop short of intervening? The answer can be found in an examination of the international normative environment at the time of the conflict. Using a three-stage normative life-cycle model developed by Martha Finnemore and Kathryn Sikkink, this thesis posits that the reason the international community engaged in humanitarian actions was because the norm of humanitarianism is at stage 2 of its life cycle, making it well-entrenched enough to compel members of the international community to act. However, the norm of humanitarian intervention is only at stage 1 of its life cycle, meaning that it is weak and underdeveloped. Its weakness is exacerbated by the fact that humanitarian intervention often clashes with the highly entrenched stage 3 norms of realpolitik, and specifically the norm of self-interested engagement, which demands that a state only become engaged with another if it is in the first state’s interests to do so. Thus, despite the brutality of the conflict, the norm of humanitarian intervention was not strong enough to provoke an intervention in the Democratic Republic of Congo. / Thesis (Master, Political Studies) -- Queen's University, 2009-09-18 02:05:57.536

Hommage zwischen den Generationen - Sebastian Liebold über ein Chemnitzer Frauenleben

This thesis consists of a detailed exegetical and contextual study of passages that contain the term "to know YHWH" in the book of Jeremiah. The goal of the thesis was to define the meaning of the term "to know YHWH" as Jeremiah understood it and to find out its relevance for the Church in DR Congo. The study demonstrates that the life of Judah as a nation was conditioned by the knowledge of YHWH. According to Jeremiah, to know YHWH is to recognize covenantal traditions as normative and to accept to follow them for a harmonious relationship with YHWH and with one another in the society. These covenantal traditions were rooted in YHWH's mighty acts of liberation of Israel in history, in YHWH's prerogative as the sole God of Israel, and in the necessity for Israel to establish a just society as witness of YHWH's justice, righteousness and steadfast love. Jeremiah demonstrates that it is the abandonment of this knowledge that caused the disintegration of Judah as a nation. This abandonment of the knowledge of YHWH is manifested in two areas. The first is the area of social justice (4:19-22; 5:1-6; 9:1-8; 9:22-23; 22:13-19). Several passages in Jeremiah link the lack of the knowledge of YHWH with the perversion of justice in terms of not encouraging the oppressed, not defending the cause of the fatherless, not pleading the cause of the widow, and not maintaining justice in the court. This lack of social justice is also manifested in terms of falsehood, adultery, abuse of human speech and the abuse of power by those who possess it. The second is the area of idolatry (2:4-13). The prophet Jeremiah accuses the people of Judah (Israel) of not having called upon YHWH during their time of need. Instead, they chose to go after foreign nations and their idols. In this way, they broke the covenant with YHWH and brought judgment upon the nation. For Jeremiah, the blame of the failure to know YHWH is to be placed upon the entire nation, but particularly upon two groups of people: religious and political leaders. These two groups worked for their own interest and failed to maintain a society according to the requirements set in the covenant. YHWH responded to this failure in two different ways (24:4-7; 31:31-34): he punished his people by sending them into exile, and promised to restore them. This restoration will consist of bringing Israelites back to their land, of making a new covenant with them, and of giving them a new heart that will enable them to fully know him. I used my Congolese context to understand the meaning of some passages in Jeremiah where I could not agree (or where I was not sure) with other scholars' interpretation. At the same time, the book of Jeremiah helped me to realize that it is because our Congolese Christianity (or our knowledge of YHWH) is still superficial that it has not yet been able to help us build a coherent and unified nation. This is why the DR Congo has collapsed in spite of its claim to have the largest Roman Catholic community in the continent, the world's most influential francophone Protestant movement and the continent's biggest independent Churches. This researcher argues that the crisis in DR Congo may find a solution if the Church reorganizes her ministries and views her mission as the implementation of Jesus' mission for the world: the announcement 1f the coming of the Kingdom of God with its vision of the new heaven and new earth. This vision of new earth and new heaven would lead the Church to a new understanding of our salvation in Christ as a constant restoration of our relationship with God, with one another and 'a new understandiJOl9 of our life and ministry as responsible citizens, striving to reconcile every aspect of our life as individuals and community with Christ. In this way, the work of the Holy Spirit in the life of each Christian would not be understood only in terms of leading us to heaven but also as the power that enables us to transform our society now and here. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2003.

Micro-finance institutions are leading a revolution in the financial sector, particularly in banking. This provides a renewed focus on the way financial credit is provided to the marginalised society of the developing countries. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, small and medium enterprises constitute almost 80% of the entrepreneurial population. There is therefore, considerable urgency to advance the performance and competitiveness of these small and medium enterprises. The aim of this study is to establish the effect of micro-finance institutions, on the performance of small and medium enterprises in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Literature reviewed for this study provided insights into the effects of micro-finance institutions on the performance of small and medium enterprises that accessed micro-loans. This study comprises of 77 small and medium entrepreneurs that participated in the empirical research. The performance of small and medium enterprises was assessed through the use of a questionnaire. The questionnaire consisted of statements on socio-demographics, the functioning of micro-finance institutions and the performance of small and medium enterprises. The study revealed that the largest group of respondents were male entrepreneurs, married, in the age group category of 30 to 50 years, have a household size of 1 to 5 people and have 1 to 5 years of experience in business. Entrepreneurs mostly utilized financial services such as saving accounts, money transfers and training and technology. Furthermore consulting services in the areas of leadership finance and operations were mainly received from micro-finance institutions. The study revealed that micro-finance institutions principally play the role of facilitator of growth, tool for social change, provider of banking systems and instrument for empowerment to SMEs. The two sources of financing utilized mostly by small and medium enterprises were loans from micro-finance institutions and from commercial banks. The borrowed finance was used principally to start a new business, expand an existing business and for working capital. The amounts of money borrowed from micro- loans were as follow: 5 000,00 (US $) or less, between 6 000 and 10 000,00 (US $) and 11 000,00 to 15 000, 00 (US $) The interest rates paid were from 11% to 20%, 21% to 30% and 51% and above. The collateral provided was in the form of physical assets such as a car or a house. The results of the mean score factor indicated that on average, responses for questions 14 to 19 were above 2.5 on the scale of 1 to 4. The mean score above 2.5 was the indication that respondents agreed to a larger extend to these statements. This leads to the conclusion that overall, the effect of micro-finance institutions on the performance small and medium enterprises in the Democratic Republic of Congo was positive, as proved by the mean score factor. / MBA, North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Classical Swine Fever in the Lao Peoples’ Democratic Republic: Virological, Epidemiological and Clinical studies. Classical swine fever (CSF) is a highly contagious virus infection of swine caused by classical swine fever virus (CSFV). The CSF virus is a member of the genus Pestivirus of the family Flaviviridae. Classical swine fever is believed to be endemic in Lao Peoples’ Democratic Republic (Lao PDR). Infectious diseases, including CSF, are a major constraint to pig production in developing countries such as Lao PDR. The aim of this thesis was to investigate aspects and present data regarding the nature of CSF pertinent to Lao PDR. An introduction to Lao PDR, local pig production and a review of pertinent CSF literature is presented in Chapter 1. Low levels of veterinary infrastructure have exacerbated infectious disease problems in developing countries. Chapter 2 of this thesis described the construction and refurbishment of a project laboratory in Lao PDR for the diagnosis of viral diseases, in particular CSF virus Furthermore, a diagnostic specimen submission system was adapted to the local domestic and economic conditions. Poor diagnostic facilities and lack of disease reporting systems in Lao PDR have allowed diseases to spread largely unchecked due to low levels of recognition. The process of development and assessment of appropriate diagnostic assays to the local conditions is presented and discussed in Chapter 3. ELISA and RT-PCR technologies for CSF virus detection in clinical specimens were implemented. Variations to RT-PCR methodologies were also investigated to determine the most suitable technique for the local situation. Results indicated that the RT-PCR methodology was more sensitive than ELISA for the detection of CSF virus in fresh clinical specimens. Notably, the situation was reversed when decomposed samples were tested. Methodologies for the preservation and detection of CSF virus in samples subjected to local tropical condition were also investigated. The proprietary reagent RNAlater ™ was found to be suitable for the preservation of CSF virus RNA under local conditions. Methodologies for CSF virus serology using the ELISA technique are also described. The majority of the pigs in Lao PDR are raised within village small-holder systems, with indigenous breeds being the most popular. Very little is known about the response of indigenous breed pigs to CSF virus infection. Chapter 4 described the pathogenicity of a Lao strain of CSF virus (Lao/Kham225) in both indigenous (Moo Laat) and imported pig breeds (Large white/Landrace cross-breed). Statistically significant (p = 0.05) differences in the breed-related susceptibility to CSF infection were demonstrated in clinical and haematological responses, and post-mortem pathology. The results demonstrated the course of CSF infection in the Large white/Landrace cross-breed was generally more acute than in the indigenous breed. Investigations into the epidemiology of CSF in Lao PDR are presented in Chapter 5. The distribution of CSF outbreaks during the period of mid-1997 to the end of 1999 was investigated and crude incidence results were calculated. Serological surveillance to determine the serological prevalence of CSF virus antibodies in selected regions of Lao PDR was performed during 1997 to 1999. Structured serological surveillance was performed in Vientiane Municipality, Bhorikhamxai, Khammouane and Savannakhet provinces during the survey period. Passive serological surveillance using samples from eight abattoirs in Lao PDR was also performed. Statistically significant (p = 0.05) intra- and inter-provincial differences were noted in a number of the surveys. The success of CSF vaccination via post-vaccination serology was also assessed. The results of the investigations determined that vaccination to prevent CSF infection was insufficient and post-vaccination responses were variable. Phylogenetic and phylogeographic studies to determine the genetic characteristics of Lao PDR and other regional CSF virus isolates are presented in Chapter 6. The 5’-non-coding region and the E2 gene of CSF viruses were investigated to determine genetic relationships between Lao PDR and regional isolates. Genetic typing of all field virus isolates using phylogenetic analysis techniques indicated that all viruses belonged to genogroup 2. Phylogeographic analysis of field viruses revealed a delineation of sub-genogroup allocation on a geographic basis. Members of the sub-genogroup 2.1 originated in Northern and Central regions of Lao PDR. Conversely, members of the sub-genogroup 2.2 originated in Southern and Central regions of Lao PDR. All Vietnamese viruses examined belonged to sub-genogroup 2.2. Phylogenetic analysis indicated that the Vietnamese viruses were largely distinct from Lao and Thai CSF viruses. With the exception of one virus isolate, all Thai viruses also belonged to sub-genogroup 2.2. With the exception of one Vietnamese vaccine virus, all vaccines examined belonged to genogroup 1. A general discussion of the results presented in all chapters, as well as implications for future research into this field, are presented in Chapter 7.