LL.M. (International Law) / Africa’s Great Lakes Region (GLR) has in recent years experienced political strife, armed conflict and population displacements with severe humanitarian consequences, specifically the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Some authors regard the prevailing war in the DRC as the African equivalent of the First World War. This is because up to eight African countries and more than 10 rebel groups were involved in this war which plays itself out on Congolese territory. This war has been the deadliest since World War II, with a death toll of 5.4 million people, mostly as a result of disease and starvation. What is more, 1.8 million women have reportedly been raped in the eastern Congo. All these facts point to the limited or non – application of IHL by all the belligerents involved in the armed conflict in the DRC. Ever since, the UN Security Council has adopted more than 15 resolutions aimed at terminating the war in the DRC; however, the war is still ongoing in this country. Thus, this study advocates for the creation and implementation of a regional legal instrument whose purpose is to ensure respect for and application of IHL by all belligerents. Put differently, this study raises the question of the creation and implementation of a special court for the DRC based on the models of the special court for Sierra Leone, and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR).

LL.M. (International Law) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

Student Number : 9102146D - MA research report - School of Graduate School - Faculty of Humanities / This is a study of local integration of Congolese refugees from The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) living in Johannesburg. The point of departure is from Jacobsen’s assertion that refugees are de facto integrated when they are not in physical danger, are able to sustain livelihoods through access to land or employment, and can support themselves and their families, are socially networked into host communities so that intermarriage is common, ceremonies like weddings and funerals are attended by everyone and there is no distinction between refugees and local communities. The study looks at the amount of interaction between refugees and South Africans, the dynamics involved in social integration and the perception of integration by refugees and service providers. Refugees and service providers in Johannesburg were interviewed and conclusions are drawn from their responses and the literature consulted.

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Science, University of the Witwatersrand, in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of the Witwatersrand School of Geosciences and Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies School of Cosmic Physics Geophysics Section February 2016 / Archean cratons, and the Proterozoic orogenic belts on their flanks, form an integral part of the Southern Africa tectonic landscape. Of these, virtually nothing is known of the position and thickness of the southern boundary of the composite Congo craton and the Neoproterozoic Pan African orogenic belt due to thick sedimentary cover. In this work I present the first lithospheric-scale geophysical study of that cryptic boundary and define its geometry at depth. The results are derived from two-dimensional (2D) and three-dimensional (3D) inversion of magnetotelluric data acquired along four semi-parallel profiles crossing the Kalahari craton across the Damara-Ghanzi-Chobe belts (DGC) and extending into the Congo craton. Two dimensional and three-dimensional electrical resistivity models show significant lateral variation in the crust and upper mantle across strike from the younger DGC orogen to the older adjacent cratons. The Damara belt lithosphere is found to be more conductive and significantly thinner than that of the adjacent Congo craton. The Congo craton is characterized by very thick (to depths of 250 km) and resistive (i.e. cold) lithosphere. Resistive upper crustal features are interpreted as caused by igneous intrusions emplaced during Pan-African magmatism. Graphite-bearing calcite marbles and sulfides are widespread in the Damara belt and account for the high crustal conductivity in the Central Zone. The resistivity models provide new constraints on the southern extent of the greater Congo craton, and suggest that the current boundary drawn on geological maps needs revision and that the craton should be extended further south. The storage possibilities for the Karoo Basins were found to be poor because of the very low porosity and permeability of the sandstones, the presence of extensive dolerite sills and dykes. The obvious limitation of the above study is the large spacings between the MT stations (> 10km). This is particularly more limiting in resolving the horizontal layers in the Karoo basin. However the 1D models provide layered Earth models that are consistent with the known geology. The resistivity values from the 1D models allowed porosity of the Ecca and Beaufort group lithologies to be calculated. It is inferred that the porosities values are in the range 5-15 % in the region below the profile. This value is considered too low for CO2 storage as the average porosity of rock used for CO2 is generally more than 10 to 12 percent of the total rock unit volume.

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Humanities School of Social Sciences, University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfilment for the degree of Masters in Migration & Displacement. Johannesburg 2016 / Repatriation like any other form of migration is highly gendered. The objective of this research study is to analyze the gendered determinants of repatriation. I will explore various motivations for return and the general literature surrounding repatriation. My interest in the research was inspired by my experience working with Rwandan returnees where I encountered more female returnees than men. The other reason was the invocation of the cessation of Rwandan refugees on the 30th June 2013.The implication of the cessation meant to bring to closure to a close the refugee status of Rwandans who fled the country before 31st December 1998 and to find alternative status for those refugees still in need of international protection. An interesting observation is that despite this invocation by the end of 2013, the number of Rwandan refugees coming back did not increase as was expected. At the time of the interviews, the invocation of the cessation status of Rwandan refugees was a not an issue in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). However, a meeting held on the 2nd of October 2015 came up with new deadlines for the implementation on the cessation clause. This research follows a mini-research for my Honours degree that I conducted in 2014 with Rwandan refugees residing in Johannesburg. This work however differs from my previous pilot study in Johannesburg in two ways; in contrast to this research paper, my interviews in Johannesburg involved Rwandan refugees who had not taken the decision to return to Rwanda. Additionally, the refugee profile in South Africa comprised mostly political asylum-seekers while Rwandan refugees hosted in the DRC (my current research location) are mostly those who fled during the 1994 genocide. Voluntary repatriation is a contested issue. In various instances, refugees feel obliged to return either through active promotion of repatriation, reduction of aid in refugee camps or appalling conditions in countries of asylum. What is also evident is the politics between the countries of asylum and origin and the uncomfortable position the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) finds itself as it seeks to ensure the voluntary character of repatriation as is stipulated by the 1969 OAU convention. The gendered approach taken in migration studies reveals renegotiation of gender relations and roles as a result of displacement. Although the role of women changes considerably; social expectations puts more pressure on men to provide and as the limited livelihood opportunities during displacement curtails their primary role as breadwinners. Gender mainstreaming is one of the approaches employed by the, UNHCR to ensure that women are not only involved in all aspects of planning and development but also in issues of peace and security. The literature on repatriation, suggests that women and men consider different factors in their decision to return; men’s main concern is security while women dwell more on working structures like hospitals and schools for their children. During fieldwork, the household emerged as an important unit for repatriation decision making. The research employed a qualitative design. The tools for data collection included semi-structured in-depth questions for Rwandan refugee participants in Goma and key informants from the UNHCR and their government counterpart in the repatriation exercise the Commission Nationale pour les Réfugiés (CNR). In addition, I engaged in an extensive secondary data search through journals, books, the internet, newspapers and policy documents. Thematic analysis was utilized to analyze the collected data. Based on the findings, it was evident that Rwandan refugee men and women put into consideration different aspects in their decision to return to Rwandan. Men focused mostly on security issues both in the DRC and Rwanda while women considered working structures like schools, hospitals and the hope of reclaiming their spouses’ land for the sake of the children. On the decision to return, single women took the decision on their own while in the case of married couples, the men came up with the idea and discussed it with their wives and children. A cross cutting theme between the interviewed Rwandan refugee men and women was the important function of social networks as a pull factor for return. Social networking was especially important in obtaining information about the specific areas in Rwanda and also acted as assurance for temporary accommodation upon return and therefore reducing the cost of return migration. Based on the findings, access to information for both men and women was not mentioned as a major challenge owing to advances in technology (radios, internet, and mobile phones) and the presence of social networks. Keywords (Returnee, Cessation Clause, Repatriation, Reintegration, Decision-making process, Gender, Identity, Social networking) / MT2017

Thesis advisor: Devin O. Pendas / This dissertation examines the relationship between Black America and East Germany from 1949 to 1989, exploring the ways in which two unlikely partners used international solidarity to achieve goals of domestic importance. Despite the growing number of works addressing the black experience in and with Imperial Germany, Nazi Germany, West Germany, and contemporary Germany, few studies have devoted attention to the black experience in and with East Germany. In this work, the outline of this transatlantic relationship is defined, detailing who was involved in the friendship, why they were involved, and what they hoped to gain from this alliance. This dissertation argues that the GDR's ruling party utilized the relationship as a means of authenticating claims of East German anti-racism, a component of the Party's efforts to acquire legitimacy and diplomatic recognition from the international community in the wake of World War II, the Holocaust, and the division of Germany. African American radical leftists saw in East Germany a means of support and solidarity in the struggle for rights at home, as well as a society that was allegedly racism-free, upon which they could model their own attempts to eradicate racism in the US. Utilizing a transnational framework and analyzing government documents, newspapers, correspondence, photographs, and autobiographies, this work probes the ways in which two groups, pushed to the margins, sought to navigate the geopolitics of an ideologically-charged world. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2014. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

Depuis soixante ans la Corée est un pays divisé entre deux Etats, la République populaire démocratique de Corée au nord et la République de Corée au sud. On trouve des traces de la civilisation coréenne dès la préhistoire dans la péninsule. La nation coréenne va par la suite se développer progressivement pour aboutir à l'unité. C'est en 1910 que la Corée est annexée par le Japon jusqu'en 1945 date à laquelle elle sera libérée par les troupes soviétiques au nord du 38ème parallèle et par les troupes américaines au sud. Cette ligne de démarcation provisoire deviendra définitive suite à la création de deux gouvernements différents et à l'occupation du Sud par les troupes américaines. La guerre de Corée de 1950 à 1953 aggravera le sentiment que chaque Etat est bien distinct l'un de l'autre, laissant un antagonisme perdurer jusqu'à maintenant aboutissant à des accrochages politiques et militaires récurrents. Face à cette division imposée de l'extérieur, les deux Etats coréens se sont rapprochés pour coopérer dans certains domaines. La réunification semble être compromise depuis que le gouvernement conservateur au Sud est de retour, n'acceptant pas une réunification dans le cadre d'une confédération, système proposé par le Nord, le Sud préférant une réunification par absorption. Le problème de la réunification dépasse largement les frontières de la péninsule. Il concerne en premier lieu la Chine et les Etats-Unis. Le Japon est également concerné. L'Europe est absente du débat. La Fédération de Russie semble être le seul Etat puissant à ne pas trouver d'inconvénient à la réunification de la péninsule coréenne. / For already sixty years, Korea has been divided into two states, the Popular Democratic Republic of Korea in the North and the Republic of Korea in the South. The Korean civilisation exists in the korean peninsula since the era of the prehistory. The Korean nation will develop itself progressively and will be unified before its annexion by Japan from 1910 until 1945. Afterwards Korea will be free from Japan thanks to the armed intervention of the soviet troups above the 38th parallel and of the american troups below. This temporary demarcation line will become definitive after the creation of two governments and the occupation of the South by the american army. The Korean war from 1950 until 1953 will make the situation worse leaving side by side two governments leading to recurrent political and military conflicts. Because of this division imposed from the outside, the two Korean states came closer to each other to cooperate in certain fields. However the korean reunification seems to be compromised since the conservative government in the South came into power and refused the korean peninsula to be reunified using the system of confederation, the Republic of Korea prefering absorbing the North. The problem of the reunification overtake the borders of the peninsula. It concerns above all China and the United States. Japan is also concerned. Europe is missing from the debates. The Federation of Russia seems to be the only big power having no objection to the reunification of the korean peninsula and ready to help Korea to accomplish this goal.

Le Parc National de Kahuzi-Biega (PNKB) se localise dans l’Est de la R.D. Congo, à une trentaine des kilomètres au Nord de la ville de Bukavu, (province du Sud-Kivu). Ce parc couvre une superficie de 6.000 km² dont 5.400 km² situés en basse altitude (600-1200 m d’altitude) et 600 km² constituent le secteur de haute altitude occupée par les forêts de montagne (1800-3308 m).<p><p>Depuis environ une décennie, la liane indigène Sericostachys scandens Gilg & Lopr. (Amarantaceae) se répand rapidement dans les forêts de montagne au PNKB. L’extension de cette liane, et ses conséquences supposées sur la biodiversité et la régénération de la forêt inquiètent les gestionnaires du Parc.<p><p>Le travail a examiné trois aspects de l’écologie de l’invasion par S. scandens dans le Parc.<p>Premièrement, on a examiné les traits fonctionnels susceptibles d’expliquer une aptitude élevée à l’invasion chez S. scandens. Une approche comparative avec trois espèces de lianes non envahissantes coexistant dans le même habitat montre que S. scandens présente une allocation de biomasse aux diaspores significativement plus élevée. En plus, elle combine une reproduction sexuée intense et une capacité de reproduction végétative. Cette liane se distingue également des trois autres par un taux de ramification plus élevé. Par contre, les traits foliaires ne sont pas systématiquement différents. De même, le taux de germination des graines de S. scandens ne diffère pas significativement de ceux des autres lianes étudiées. Cependant, il est significativement plus élevé en canopée ouverte qu’en canopée fermée, et en forêt ombrophile qu’en forêt de bambous. L’ensemble des traits qui caractérisent S. scandens peut contribuer à expliquer sa plus grande capacité d’invasion, comparativement aux trois autres lianes.<p>Deuxièmement, on a examiné les attributs des écosystèmes susceptibles de les rendre vulnérables à l’invasion. Les résultats suggèrent que les perturbations favorisent les invasions dans les écosystèmes. Les perturbations (coupes, feu, …) qui ont accompagné les conflits dans la zone du Parc sont, très probablement, le facteur ayant déclenché l’invasion. <p>Enfin, le travail a examiné les impacts de l’invasion sur la biodiversité et la régénération des forêts. Les résultats montrent que, effectivement, S. scandens a un impact négatif, et que cet impact pourrait contribuer à renforcer le succès invasif de S. scandens (feed-back positif).<p><p>Le travail aboutit à des recommandations pour la gestion du Parc. La gestion doit avant tout être préventive, c’est-à-dire i) empêcher de nouveaux déboisements et ii) éliminer S. scandens au tout début de son installation dans un site perturbé.<p> / Doctorat en Sciences / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Using ethnographic data and James Scott's (1990) concepts of public and hidden transcripts, this thesis examines fow the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) government's public transcript has been institutionalised through the use of 'genocide ideology' laws. It is concerned with understanding how the RPF's use of ‘genocide ideology' is a mechanism to facilitate a continuum of violence, which I argue has led to ‘ethnic' marginalisation. ‘Genocide ideology' is a legally abstract term that refers to discourses that contest – consciously or unconsciously - the government narrative regarding the 1994 genocide. As focusing strictly om the public transcript does not tell the whole storry about power relations between the RPF government and Hutu, it also explores hidden transcript. This is necessary as the Rwandan government employs the category of ‘genocide ideology' to silence dissent and to justify arbitrary arrest. For example, since taking power, the RPF government has strived to eliminate the Hutu/Tutsi identities, replacing the divisive identities with ‘Rwandan.' Those who use Hutu/Tutsi identities outside the context of the genocide are considered génocidaire sympathisers and legally guilty of ‘genocide ideology'. I argue that within the public RPF transcript on the genocide, the victim/perpetrator dichotomy has become intertwined with Tutsi/Hutu identities, creating a hierarchy of victimhood. I concluded by arguing that the violence, fear and marginalisation experienced by participants through the government's use of the public transcript in conjunction with ‘genocide ideology' laws is causing resentment, which could lead to further conflict.

Despite receiving large quantities of aid, many developing countries, especially the Least Developed Countries, have remained stagnant and became more aid-dependent. This grim reality provokes vigorous debate on the effectiveness of aid. This study re-examines the effectiveness of aid, focusing on the ongoing debate on the interactive effect of aid and policy conditionality on sustainable economic growth. A theoretical model of the aid-growth nexus was developed to explain why policy conditionality attached to aid may not always promote sustainable economic growth. Noticeable methodological weaknesses in the aid fungibility and aid-growth models have led to the construction of two macroeconometric models to tackle and reduce these weaknesses. The Lao People's Democratic Republic's economy for the 1978-2001 period has been used for a case study.It is argued that the quality of policy conditionality and the recipient country's ability to complete specified policy conditions are the main factors determining the effectiveness of aid. Completing the policy prescriptions contributes to a stable aid inflow. The aid-growth nexus model developed in this study shows that stable and moderate aid inflow boosts economic growth even when aid is fungible. However, failure to complete the policy conditionality owing to inadequate policy design and problems of policy mismanagement caused by lack of state and institutional capability in the recipient country triggers an unstable aid inflow. The model shows that unstable aid flows reduce capital accumulation and economic growth in the recipient country. These empirical findings reveal that policy conditionality propagated through the "adjustment programmes" has mitigated the side effects of aid fungibility and "Dutch disease" in the case of the Lao PDR. Preliminary success in implementing the policy conditions in the pre-1997 period led to a stable aid inflow and contributed to higher economic growth. This favourable circumstance, however, was impaired by unstable aid flow in the post-1997 period. The lack of state and institutional capacity in the Lao PDR and the inadequate policy design to deal with external shocks triggered the instability of aid inflow, which in turn exacerbated the negative effects of the Asian financial crisis on the Lao PDR's economy.