The study aims to answer whether there is ethnic antagonism in the Sweden Democrats’ parliamentary motions. The analysis has been performed by applying Bonacich’ theory of ethnic antagonism on a narrow selection of the Sweden Democrats’ motions. The selected method has been a directed qualitative content analysis. Some aspects of ethnic antagonism can be found in the motions. SD considers immigrants to lower the wages of Swedes mostly because; they are used to bad labor conditions in their home countries; the government subsidizes immigrants’ labor through various labor market programmes such as instegsjobb (entry jobs) and nystartsjobb (new start jobs). The government, EU, and the labor unions are considered responsible for the perceived worsening of the labor market. The party aims to act in the labor interests of the Swedes by excluding immigrants i.e. cheaper labor, from entering the country. For future research, it could be of interest to study how ethnic antagonism is reflected in other parties.

This bachelor’s thesis examines the causes behind the support of radical right and anti-immigration parties by those with a non-native background. Building on findings of previous research and the funnel of causality, a set of variables consisting of anti-immigration views and socio-economic factors are examined to determine their causal effect on the support for the Sweden Democrats among the non-native swedish population. Utilising data from Syd-SOM 2015 and Väst-SOM 2015, no support were found for the hypothesis that those with a non-native background support the Sweden Democrats on the basis of socio-economic factors. Support were found however for the hypothesis that anti-immigration views among non-natives are an important cause for their support of the Sweden Democrats.

Polarization forced massive changes in the institutions of Washington throughout the 20th century, and the Democratic Party played a key role throughout. Under President Franklin D. Roosevelt, the Democratic Party formed the powerful New Deal coalition. The coalition faltered in the turbulent 1960s under the pressures of the Vietnam War and racial unrest. The chaotic 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago dealt the coalition a mortal wound. Young voters and activists gained an outsized voice in the party. Several crushing defeats in presidential elections followed as the party chose unelectable candidates who appealed to the passions of left-wing activists and interests. In 1992, Bill Clinton won the nomination and forced the party back to the center. Clinton’s success, however, drove the Republican Party further right as its efforts to destroy Clinton grew increasingly obsessive. The cumulative effect has been an increase in polarization and the weakening of institutions in Washington.

The fall of the Berlin Wall and the announcement by the leader of the Italian Communist Party (PCI), Achille Occhetto, that the time had come to shed its communist name and identity inaugurated a decade of uncertainty and change for the party. As the Party of the Democratic Left (PDS), it faced the challenge of developing its post-communist identity amid the upheaval in the Italian political system that followed the Tangentopoli (Bribesville) scandal. The transition to the 'Second Republic', spurred by widespread anti-party sentiment, brought new electoral systems and forms of coalition-making, a changed array of allies and opponents, a personalisation of certain political roles, and changed relationships between the national and local dimensions of politics. In 2000, now called the Left Democrats (DS), the party was the largest component in the nationally governing coalition and even provided the prime minister. Yet the rise to the pinnacle of power had been accompanied by decreasing electoral support. In over ten years of post-communist life, the party had failed to achieve the real breakthrough hoped for by Occhetto: to unite the Italian left in a single party that dominated government or opposition, as in other Western European countries. The primary aim of this thesis is to contribute to understanding the party's fortunes through a case study of the way the turbulent years from 1989 to 2000 were experienced in the Venetian provincial federation. This decade of change has so far not been examined from a local perspective, yet local studies were particularly fruitful in the analysis of the PCI, as they allowed exploration of the ways party debates were perceived, and decisions made at national level were implemented, 'on the ground' in specific contexts. I have not chosen the Venetian federation as a microcosm of the experience in the periphery as a whole but as an interesting and relevant component of the full picture. The Venetian party enjoyed greatly increased responsibilities in government at sub-national levels in the second half of the 1990s, due to successful alliance strategies, but decreasing electoral support. I seek to explain the local party's electoral and power outcomes in terms of a combination of external and internal factors: on one hand, the opportunities and constraints presented by the changing environment; and, on the other, internal dynamics that hampered the party in responding to those challenges. In particular I stress the significance of the crisis precipitated by Occhetto's proposal to transform the party in 1989 and the constraints on the local party's legitimacy and visibility in the competitive environment that developed in the Second Republic. I attribute these constraints to the mixed electoral systems operating at sub-national levels, intra-coalition rivalry, and a striking case of an individual enjoying personal power and influence in the local political system. As a secondary theme, I analyse change in the party type that accompanied these outcomes, in light of theories on general trends in party transformations in Western Europe. I identify rapid changes in the local party's aims, functions and organisational roles and relationships, and in its relationship with the national leadership. I argue that this process of change, consistent with the transformation of a mass party into an electorally focused party, was accelerated at local level by the changing competitive environment and the sudden increase in government responsibilities. The introduction in chapter 1 sets the party's story in context and outlines the aims and argument of the thesis. Chapter 2 introduces the local case study in light of existing analyses of the party's development, the tradition of local studies of the PCI, and theories on party types and transformations. The central chapters are dedicated to the case study, which is based largely on interviews with members of the federation's leadership groups in various periods. The organisation of the material reflects my division of the federation's story into distinct phases, each reflecting a stage in the development of both the party's alliance strategy and the local political system. In the concluding chapter, I discuss the implications of the case study findings for the party as a whole and make a claim for the continuing validity of local studies of Italian political parties.

<p>The purpose of the essay is to examine the Swedish Social Democrats (SAP) and its relation to the EU. The specific area of interest is the SAP in its relation to the process of the constitutional/reform treaty. The process period researched in this essay stretches from 2000-april 2008. The research question is, How has the SAP evolved in relation to the EU during the time period 2000 till 2008 and are there signs of external EU pressure changing the party behaviour or position?</p><p>This case study has the methodological approach of a qualitative text analysis. The concept of Europeanization makes it possible to construct an analytical framework which measures possible impact from the EU on domestic political parties. This impact is measured in three different areas, first if the party is adapting its internal structure to ease its engagement with the EU, secondly if the party is adapting its policy because of the EU and thirdly in the area of patterns of party competition. With the analytical framework drawn from the concept of Europeanization it is possible to point at indicators that are signs of EU-impact. The SAP seems to have both a practical adaptation and a policy adaptation but it still remains somewhat EU-sceptical in the area of patterns of party competition. The conclusion is that there are quite massive amounts of evidence of possible EU-pressure on the SAP.</p>

Titel: Ris eller ros i svensk press? – en studie av Sverigedemokraternas gestaltning i två svenska tidningar under valrörelsen 2010 Författare: Emelie Pettersson Handledare: Christer Clerwall Kurs: Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap III Syfte: Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka hur Sverigedemokraterna gestaltades i tidningarna Dagens nyheter och Expressen, inför valet 2010. Studien ämnar även kunna finna likheter eller skillnader i gestaltningen, i morgonpress respektive kvällspress. Teori: Studien har en tydlig teoretisk utgångspunkt, gestaltningsteorin. Gestaltningsteorin belyser mediers makt i dess olika form, på olika nivåer och med olika genomslagskraft. Studien utgår främst från Robert Entmans tankar om mediers gestaltningar. Vidare blir även forskning om läsning och läsbeteende centralt. Den delen belyser hur vi läser och vilken roll rubriker och bilder spelar för vårt åsiktsbildande. Metod: Undersökningen har utgjorts av innehållsanalyser. Fenomenet mixed methods har tillämpats, vilket innebär att en och samma undersökning tar två riktningar, för att komplettera varandras brister. Undersökningen har alltså haft både en kvantitativ och en kvalitativ ansats. Den kvantitativa innehållsanalysen har tillämpats på 103 artiklar, och utifrån de mönster som framkommit, har den kvalitativa innehållsanalysen sedan applicerats på sju artiklar. Resultat: Resultatet visar att Sverigedemokraterna har gestaltats i negativ klang i majoriteten av artiklarna. Om partiet var huvudperson i artiklarna, var gestaltningen oftast negativ. Då Sverigedemokraterna gestaltades på neutralt vis, var de istället oftast inte artikelns huvudperson. Det var även så att partiet oftast gestaltades med hjälp av negativt laddade ord. Partiet fick dessutom i majoriteten av fallen inte komma till tals i artiklarna. Dagens nyheter och Expressen har visat på mer skillnader än likheter i sina gestaltningar, men dessa skillnader blir trots allt inte så stora i praktiken, då båda tidningarna främst levererar en övervägande negativ bild av partiet. / Title: Praise or Blame in Swedish Press – a study of the framing of the Swedish Deomcrats in two Swedish newspapers during the election campaign of 2010. Author: Emelie Pettersson Tutor: Christer Clerwall Course: Media and Communication Studies III Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to find out how the Swedish Democrats was framed in the newspapers Dagens Nyheter and Expressen in the election campaign of 2010. The paper also aims to find similarities and differences in the framing of the party in morning newspapers and tabloids. Theory: This paper has a distinct theoretical point of departure, framing theory. Framing theory sheds a light on the power of media in its different forms, on all levels, and its different kinds of impact. The paper departs mainly from thoughts of Robert Entman about the different depictions of media. Further on, research about reading and behaviour of reading also becomes central. That part raises how we read and what role head lines and images play in our formation of opinions. Method: The study has been done with analyses of content. Mixed methods have been applied to the study, which means that the same study has been made in both a quantitative way and a qualitative way, in order to supplement each other’s shortages. The quantitative analyses of content have been applied to 103 articles and from patterns revealed in those analyses the qualitative analyses of content has been applied on seven articles. Result: The result of the study shows that the Swedish Democrats has been framed in a negative way in the majority of the articles included in the study. If the party was the main subject in the articles the framing was most of the times negative. The times when the Swedish Democrats was portrayed in a neutral manner they were not the main subject of the article. The party was in the articles often framed with negatively charged words. In addition to this the party was in a majority of the articles not quoted or invited to speak their part. Dagens Nyheter and Expressen has during the study shown several differences in their portrayals of the party, although these differences are not as extensive in theory since both papers at first hand has chosen a negative image of portrayal of the party.

Research question: What role does media play in that xenophobic political parties becomes successful or not? Cohan explains it as:“The press may not be successful much of the time in telling people what to think, but it is stunningly successful in telling its readers what to think about.”    According to this, researchers argue that media creates a supply factor by merely bring attention to certain phenomenon. To this background, it is reasonable to suspect that media, merely bringing attention to the Sweden Democrats, has brought visibility anf attention to the party that could be essential for the Sweden Democrats success. research question for this study is: How does the local media-coverage of the Sweden Democrats have a role in the party’s success, in a municipality where the party is successful compared to a municipality where the political support is weaker?  Purpose: The purpose of this study is, before the elections for the municipal council in 1998, 2002 and 2006, systematically review the local press media-coverage of the Sweden Democrats in Karlskrona, a municipality where the Sweden Democrats are successful and Växjö, a municipality where the party is not as much successful.   Method: To fulfill my purpose of this study, I studied all articles concerning the Sweden Democrats before a few months before the elections of 1998, 2002 and 2006 in Smålandsposten and Blekinge Läns Tidning. The articles were then reviewed systematically and then later categorized through certain categories. This contributed to what had been written about the Sweden Democrats. Conclusions: The hypothesis that media, unaware, has created a foundation for the success of the Sweden Democrats has been confirmed to some extent in this study. The media coverage the Sweden Democrats was not as frequent as it was when the party began to have political success. Local media’s focus in their articles about the Sweden Democrats differs from a strong municipality for the Sweden Democrats to a municipality with weaker support..    This study has also shown that in municipalities that have weak support for the Sweden Democrats tend to stigmatize the party more than in a municipality that is strong for the Sweden Democrats. However as this study has shown is that stigmatization of the Sweden Democrats has not slown down their success. Quite the opposite, it has gained their success

<p>Abstract: The purpose with this study is to analyse the political debate about freedom of speech in Sweden and Denmark, after the caricatures of the Islamic Prophet Mohammed that the Danish newspaper Jyllandsposten published in September 2005. For this debate four political parties have been chosen. These are: Socialdemokratiska Partiet and Moderata Samlingspartiet in Sweden and Socialdemokraterne and Venstre in Denmark.</p><p>An idea analysis has been chosen as method, and dimensions as an analysing tool. The overall result of the analysis is that right- and left political parties in Sweden and Denmark are more alike, than different in their political debate about free speech. They all wish for total freedom of speech, and see that as the foundation of the democratic society. The difference between the parties is that left parties put more weight on personal responsibility and minorities, than right parties that mostly debate about the meaning of democracy and why freedom of speech should not be restricted.</p>

<h1><strong> </strong></h1><p> </p><p>Research question: What role does media play in that xenophobic political parties becomes successful or not? Cohan explains it as:“The press may not be successful much of the time in telling people what to think, but it is stunningly successful in telling its readers what to think about.”    According to this, researchers argue that media creates a supply factor by merely bring attention to certain phenomenon. To this background, it is reasonable to suspect that media, merely bringing attention to the Sweden Democrats, has brought visibility anf attention to the party that could be essential for the Sweden Democrats success. research question for this study is: How does the local media-coverage of the Sweden Democrats have a role in the party’s success, in a municipality where the party is successful compared to a municipality where the political support is weaker? </p><p><strong>Purpose:</strong> The purpose of this study is, before the elections for the municipal council in 1998, 2002 and 2006, systematically review the local press media-coverage of the Sweden Democrats in Karlskrona, a municipality where the Sweden Democrats are successful and Växjö, a municipality where the party is not as much successful. </p><p> <strong>Method:</strong> To fulfill my purpose of this study, I studied all articles concerning the Sweden Democrats before a few months before the elections of 1998, 2002 and 2006 in Smålandsposten and Blekinge Läns Tidning. The articles were then reviewed systematically and then later categorized through certain categories. This contributed to what had been written about the Sweden Democrats.</p><p><strong>Conclusions:</strong> The hypothesis that media, unaware, has created a foundation for the success of the Sweden Democrats has been confirmed to some extent in this study. The media coverage the Sweden Democrats was not as frequent as it was when the party began to have political success. Local media’s focus in their articles about the Sweden Democrats differs from a strong municipality for the Sweden Democrats to a municipality with weaker support..    This study has also shown that in municipalities that have weak support for the Sweden Democrats tend to stigmatize<strong> </strong>the party more than in a municipality that is strong for the Sweden Democrats. However as this study has shown is that stigmatization of the Sweden Democrats has not slown down their success. Quite the opposite, it has gained their success</p><h1><p> </p></h1>

The purpose of my study is to study Social Democrats immigration policy over the period 1990 and 2013. My material consists of party programs and motions that social democracy has raised in Parliament. As a research method I used McGee´s ideograph theory. I use a cluster analysis inspired by Kenneth Burke to analyze the meaning of those found ideographs. I also present and use Bitzers rhetorical situation in my analyze With help of Burke´s rhetorical situation I could see how the Social Democrats' rhetorical approach to immigration policy in the different periods in society. My investigation of the Social Democratic Party program and motions / propositions revealed the following ideographs: Democracy, solidarity, equality and freedom. keywords that went to associate to the ideographs relating to immigration policy was school, adults, racism, equal rights, democratic freedom. Rhetorical could be interpreted as a way to show that in year 2013 the party stands behind a more solidarity, equality of human beings in society. Groups such as migrants and refugees should not stick out like a social group, but the group should be included in the collective Sweden.