Emojis är ett digitalt uttryckssätt baserade på smileys och emoticons som introducerades i smarta telefoner under 2011 och har sedan dess blivit en integrerad del av många människors vardagliga kommunikation. De används också i politisk kommunikation på sociala medier på samma sätt som en del i ett modernt uttryckssätt. Den här undersökningen tittar på 557 emojis i 300 inlägg gjorda av tre ledande politiska partier – Høyre i Norge, Socialdemokraterna i Sverige och Venstre i Danmark. Syftet är att förstå vilken funktion emojis har i förhållande till texten och bilden i inlägget. Med utgångspunkt i Goffmans gestaltningsteori görs en kvantitativ översiktsskapande analys av 300 inlägg där alla emojis placeras i en av Fairhursts gestaltningsteknik baserat på vilken funktion de har i inlägget. I en djupare analys undersöks 15 inlägg där alla emojis analyseras utifrån teorierna gestaltningsteknik, polysemiskt objekt och positionsvärde. Emojis används av alla tre partier på liknande sätt och alla tre partier delar en likadan gestaltningsteknik bland de topp tre vanligaste. Främst är de ett substitut för mellanmänsklig kommunikation men sällan svårtolkade. Eftersom alla partier använder emojis på ett liknande sätt kan det ses som en medialisering i förhållande till sociala medier, snarare än en utveckling utifrån en nationell kultur. / Emojis is a digital expression based on smileys and emoticons that were introduced in smartphones during 2011, and has since then become an integrated part with peoples every day communication. They are also used in political communication on social media as part of a modern expression. This is an examination of 557 emojis in 300 Instagram post made by three leading political parties – Høyre in Norway, Socialdemokraterna in Sweden and Venstre in Denmark. The overall purpose is to understand what function the emoji have in the Instragram text and picture context. This is a quantitative examination starting in the Goffman framing theory were 300 Instagram posts are analyzed and the emojis are assigned a Fairhurst framing technique based on its function in the post. It’s also a qualitative analysis of 15 Instagram posts were the containing emojis are analyzed from the theories framing technique, polysemic object and position value. Emojis are used in similar ways by all the parties and they share one framing technique on their top three used techniques. The emoji is used as a substitute for nonverbal communication in the posts and are seldom hard to understand. The usage can be seen as a result of medialization in relation to social media rather than a development from a national culture.

<p>Abstract: The purpose with this study is to analyse the political debate about freedom of speech in Sweden and Denmark, after the caricatures of the Islamic Prophet Mohammed that the Danish newspaper Jyllandsposten published in September 2005. For this debate four political parties have been chosen. These are: Socialdemokratiska Partiet and Moderata Samlingspartiet in Sweden and Socialdemokraterne and Venstre in Denmark.</p><p>An idea analysis has been chosen as method, and dimensions as an analysing tool. The overall result of the analysis is that right- and left political parties in Sweden and Denmark are more alike, than different in their political debate about free speech. They all wish for total freedom of speech, and see that as the foundation of the democratic society. The difference between the parties is that left parties put more weight on personal responsibility and minorities, than right parties that mostly debate about the meaning of democracy and why freedom of speech should not be restricted.</p>

<p>The aim of this paper is to empirically examine the ideological trends and positioning of the Swedish liberal party with the Danish social liberal party. This paper also aims to analyze the reasons behind the trends. By examine the development in these two Nordic liberal sisterparties, this paper contributes to our understanding of why and how party change is initiated. The paper commences with an intuitive notion that the Swedish party has in fact, made a lurch towards the right, during the past ten to fifteen years while the Danish party has retained their social-liberal position in the centre of the Danish political spectrum. The questions then asked are: can this hypothesis be verified empirically? If so, how can this phenomenon of divergence, be explained?</p><p>The method used in this thesis is process-tracing and the empirical material does to a large extent rely on interviews with central agents as they are specified in the theory of each party. The starting point of the paper is theory on party change, which identifies the important agents, goals and determinants of party policy.. It rely on rational choice assumption, pays regard to institutional boundaries and is placed somewhere in the category of new institutionalism.</p><p>This thesis argues that it is empirically unquestionable that the Swedish party de facto has made a lurch to the right during the last decade, while the Danish party has shown significant stability in their ideological position. The thesis further argues that the development in the Swedish party can be explained through a shift of primary goals, from policy-seeking toward vote-maximising, while the Danish party’s primary goals have since the beginning of the nineties until now, remained primarily policy-seeking. This explains why their ideological trend has kept a stable course. The paper concludes by stating that the divergent development within the two parties is explainable on the basis of the institutional organisation within each party, together with the different political environments they are occupied in.</p>

Abstract: The purpose with this study is to analyse the political debate about freedom of speech in Sweden and Denmark, after the caricatures of the Islamic Prophet Mohammed that the Danish newspaper Jyllandsposten published in September 2005. For this debate four political parties have been chosen. These are: Socialdemokratiska Partiet and Moderata Samlingspartiet in Sweden and Socialdemokraterne and Venstre in Denmark. An idea analysis has been chosen as method, and dimensions as an analysing tool. The overall result of the analysis is that right- and left political parties in Sweden and Denmark are more alike, than different in their political debate about free speech. They all wish for total freedom of speech, and see that as the foundation of the democratic society. The difference between the parties is that left parties put more weight on personal responsibility and minorities, than right parties that mostly debate about the meaning of democracy and why freedom of speech should not be restricted.

The purpose of this essay is to analyze the ideological development of the former communist parties and the contemporary left-wing socialist parties of the Nordic countries. It is aimed at the two decades that have passed since the collaps of the Berlin wall and the parties at hand are; the Norwegian Sosialistisk Venstre, the Danish Socialistisk Folkeparti, the Swedish Vänsterpartiet and the Finnish Vasemmistoliitto. Since the 1960´s these parties have undergone major ideological changes with reference to a widening of their political agenda to an inclusion of democratic ideals as well as the new ideologies of feminism and ecologism. Thus reforming them into modern left-wing socialist parties at different times. The main hypothesis is formulated from the idea that there must be a connection between the startingpoint of reformation and the degree of modernism/traditionalism they show today. Furthermore, the study intends to determine how much they have changed and if there are any common features in the development. The method used consists of a quantitative approach with a minor qualitative streak and the material includes the four parties principalprograms from 1990 until today. In the quantative part I chose to count an amount of value-related words with connection to the four categories of socialism, feminism, ecologism and the democratic ideal. With the ideological refinement of Ball and Dagger as a frame of reference i chose a big amount of words, in which case the qualitative approach constituted as a failsafe in order to determine every words accuracy. The research shows that my original hypothesis is only partly correct. The degree of modernization seems to be depending on whereas the party was founded before or after the collapse of the Berlin wall. The fact that the three Scandinavian parties all show a positive modernization in comparison to their Finnish counterpart supports that. The study also reveals that the Finnish party, without consideration of modernism/traditionalism, changes the most during the period and the Danish party changes the least. The main feature of the Scandinavian parties is the decline of socialistic ideas in comparison to their Finnish equivalent.

The aim of this paper is to empirically examine the ideological trends and positioning of the Swedish liberal party with the Danish social liberal party. This paper also aims to analyze the reasons behind the trends. By examine the development in these two Nordic liberal sisterparties, this paper contributes to our understanding of why and how party change is initiated. The paper commences with an intuitive notion that the Swedish party has in fact, made a lurch towards the right, during the past ten to fifteen years while the Danish party has retained their social-liberal position in the centre of the Danish political spectrum. The questions then asked are: can this hypothesis be verified empirically? If so, how can this phenomenon of divergence, be explained? The method used in this thesis is process-tracing and the empirical material does to a large extent rely on interviews with central agents as they are specified in the theory of each party. The starting point of the paper is theory on party change, which identifies the important agents, goals and determinants of party policy.. It rely on rational choice assumption, pays regard to institutional boundaries and is placed somewhere in the category of new institutionalism. This thesis argues that it is empirically unquestionable that the Swedish party de facto has made a lurch to the right during the last decade, while the Danish party has shown significant stability in their ideological position. The thesis further argues that the development in the Swedish party can be explained through a shift of primary goals, from policy-seeking toward vote-maximising, while the Danish party’s primary goals have since the beginning of the nineties until now, remained primarily policy-seeking. This explains why their ideological trend has kept a stable course. The paper concludes by stating that the divergent development within the two parties is explainable on the basis of the institutional organisation within each party, together with the different political environments they are occupied in.