Thesis (M.A.)--The University of Regina (Canada), 2001. / Advisers: J. Matsumura, Y. Zhu. Includes bibliographical references.

Deng Xiao Ping¡¦s military thinking and practice played an important role in upgrading China¡¦s national power. Having the interest of the whole nation and the defensive strategic thinking in mind, first of all, Deng Xiao Ping implemented military reform during the peacetime, which involved many aspects including politics (political party), economic reform, scientific and technical development, etc. and thus should be deliberated from an all-direction angle. Next, enlightened by the collapse of Russia, East Germany and Poland, Deng Xiao Ping promoted economic reform to ease the financial burden incurred from the establishment of self-reliant nuclear military strength in late 1950s¡¦ and early 1960s¡¦. Third, with his understanding toward the modern history of China, Deng Xiao Ping felt that the leader of China must play the roles of a neutral and arbitrator, so as to avoid any internal upheaval and vicious circle of conflict among political party, government and military. In view of this, all measures taken by Deng Xiao Ping during the period when he was in power were aimed to balance the powers among different factions. As a result, the political power shifted peacefully from the hands of soldier to the ones of civil officials. In Deng Xiao Ping¡¦s early life, he was only a member of the political committee in the army and lacked of practical fighting experience. Therefore, his military thinking and practice were primarily from his observation of changes in external environment as well as the internal system reform under the circumstance of war. As to his reform thinking, it came from trials and real practice. He tried to find out the right ways on the one hand and corrected his errors on the other hand: He refrained the economic liberalization from overheat by political interference; controlled the military by the leadership of the party; balanced the military factions and have them curb one another in order to stabilize the military in the process of four major reforms. As a planner and leader of China¡¦s reform and opening up, a leader of seeking truth from facts, and a realist, Deng Xiao Ping paid much attention to the accumulation of materials, development of productivity, and strategic thinking for national defense. In his opinion, China could get rid of poverty only when the materials were accumulated to a certain degree and became a rich country with strong military power only when its building up of national defense reached a certain scale. To view from current international situation, any reform measures brought about by Deng Xiao Ping to cope with the change of international situation in his time had been proven to be in conformity with the trend of the powerful countries in the world if judging from their effects and results. In addition, the build up of China¡¦s national defense supported by his economic reform was closely related to the future development on the two sides of the Taiwan Strait, so notice must be taken to such development from time to time. Maybe, Deng Xiao Ping¡¦s military thinking and practice can be used as a reference for any studies on the future development of China¡¦s national power.

Research on Fiscal Thought and Practice of Deng,Siao-Ping Cai,Ding-Nan Abstract To utilize the Document Analysis Method and the Historical Study Method, I research and detect the sources of Deng, Siao-Ping¡¦s fiscal thought to conclude as follows. 1. Derive from the Dialectical Materialism and the Historical Materialism. 2. Derive from one¡¦s own specific times background. 3. Derive from the Productive Forces Theory of Marxism. 4. Derive from the Communist Manifesto and the Communism ABC. I conclude the major principles of Deng, Siao-Ping¡¦s fiscal thought as follows. 1. The principle of avoiding polarization. 2. The principle of freedom. 3. The principle of developing productive forces. 4. The principle of reform and open policy. 5. The principle of advocating industry and opposing waste. Deng, Siao-Ping was the most major policy-maker during 1979¡ã1997, and he controlled the fate of China. The study object of this essay is Chinese fiscal revenue and expenditure during 1979¡ã1997. The coefficient of elasticity of Chinese fiscal revenue was 0.46 during 1979¡ã1988. Comparing that with modern fiscal system of other countries, and we can conclude that Chinese Finance Contract System was a defective fiscal system. Since practicing the Tax Distribution System, the coefficient of elasticity of Chinese fiscal revenue was rising from 1996. The Chinese fiscal revenue ability was 1.2 in 1996 and 2.0 in 2002. The average of coefficient of Chinese fiscal revenue was 0.66 during1979¡ã1997. This value was low, and that said that the Chinese fiscal revenue ability during this period was low. The proportion of Chinese fiscal expenditure to GDP was 31.7¢M in 1979 and 11.6¢M in 1997. It said that the fiscal expenditure reform fell behind. In fiscal expenditure management¡A the budget was not rigorous and the supervision of expenditure was not serious. Three reforms (the department budget, the national treasury centralism and the government purchase system) could not produce a marked effect of fiscal expenditure. It is the core problem of fiscal expenditure how to pursue the maximum of society benefit of fiscal expenditure. The average of coefficient of elasticity of Chinese fiscal expenditure was 0.76 during 1979¡ã1997. The value was low, and that said that the Chinese fiscal expenditure ability was low. The key of government life and development is the fiscal ability. If the fiscal revenue ability decreases, the economic control ability will decrease. This will occur economic crisis and social turbulence. Finally, the national total ability will decrease. Therefore, the government economic ability depends on the ability of the government to centralize and dominate the social treasury. Taiwan has potential crisis. Chinese economy and Taiwan economy have an influence on each other. If Chinese economy develops quickly, Taiwan will be the maximum beneficiary. But, Chinese economy has a lot of invisible crises under the quick development. For example, Chinese national enterprises do not achieve much and the gap between the rich and the poor enlarges, etc. If Chinese economic crisis breaks out, Taiwan will be a fish out of water. Therefore, it is due to pay attention to and to work on the change of Chinese finance.

This study uses the pop music scene as a tool to analyse contemporary cultural history in Asia, with a focus on the cold-war and post-cold war period (1960s-1990s). The primary objective is to present how Pan-Chinese music shaped peoples’ collective memories in Asia and to investigate issues such as cultural history identification, cultural worship, colonisation, nostalgia, and how these influence each other. The secondary objective is to analyse which factors can influence peoples’ collective memories, since similar pop music and historical backgrounds in Asia can be located. A particular focus is Deng Lijun (also known as Teresa Teng) (1964-1995) who is considered the most influential popular singer able to transcend ideological barriers in Asia. Through in-depth interviews carried out in China, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Japan during 2010, audience perceptions focusing on Deng Lijun's personality, music and performances were recorded and analysed in order to create focal points regarding the collective memory of her work. The main interest of this thesis is not only her role as a singer, but also her ability to capture different cultural imaginations, to initiate processes of identification and to transcend different country’s frontiers (Taiwan, China, Hong Kong, South-East Asia and Japan), particularly since these countries champion different ideological perspectives. Her fame and commercial success had a huge cultural impact, and as a result she was the first cultural carrier to break the boundaries of the Cold-War era in Asia. Apart from examining the social, cultural and political factors that influence pop music, the industry behind it and shared audience memories, the focal point of the thesis is to draw attention to aspect of time by examining how the cold war in Asia reconstructed pop music’s cultural symbols and how these symbols were transformed through different ideological structures and facets. Using the information gathered from interviews and archives, this study explores the role of popular music in political struggles between warring ideologies and shows how those struggles both informed and were informed by the sentimental songs of a global popular music idol.

Mixed economies gradually emerge in many countries. China is no exception. China's traditional planned economy system is limited to state-owned enterprises, which are undergoing reform. In the private sector, the market system has begun to play a dominant role. The coexistence of the planned system and the market system, as well as governmental intervention and regulated policies, constitute China's mixed economy. In this thesis, I try to evaluate Deng Xiaoping's speeches through rhetorical analysis in order to justify China's economic policies. In addition, I illustrate some historical and cultural factors that would affect Chinese ideas towards the market economy.

The foundation of the Chinese Communist Party was originated from the Bolshevik revolution in 1917 and the May Forth movement in 1919. Of the two events, the former inherited the ideological characteristics of ¡§globalization¡¨ on Marxism, while the latter embodied the ideological features of ¡§localization¡¨ on nationalism. Up to now, the ideology of the Chinese Communist Party has still been involving the dialectics of ¡§globalization¡¨ and ¡§localization¡¨. This doctoral dissertation first elaborates on the research motivation, purpose, method, documents, framework and so forth. It then continues to expound on the definitions of ideology, dialectics, globalization and localization. The third chapter discusses Marxism and Leninism which are the origins of the Chinese Communist Party¡¦s ideology. Chapter four analyzes how Mao Zedong conducted the dialectics of ideology and helped the Chinese Communist Party to seize power. Chapter five explores why Mao Zedong led the dialectics of the Chinese Communist Party¡¦s ideology to advance the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution. The sixth chapter studies how Deng Xiaoping guided the dialectics of ideology and promoted the Chinese Communist Party to transform a political movement into an economic reform. Chapter seven investigates why and how Jiang Zemin, and later, Hu Jintao carry on the dialectics of the Chinese Communist Party¡¦s ideology and construct the important thought of Three Represents, harmonious society of socialism, etc. Chapter eight concludes the achievements and discoveries of this research. Be it Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao, or, as a matter of fact, regardless of whoever was or is in charge, the leader of the Chinese Communist Party invariably conducts the dialectics of ideology on the ¡§globalization¡¨ of Marxism-Leninism and the ¡§localization¡¨ of the Chinese Communist Party in power. Based on the successful experience of ¡§localization¡¨ of socialism with Chinese characteristics, the Chinese Communist Party expects to achieve the goal of ¡§globalization¡¨ of the Marxism-Leninism.

Mixed economies gradually emerge in many countries. China is no exception. China's traditional planned economy system is limited to state-owned enterprises, which are undergoing reform. In the private sector, the market system has begun to play a dominant role. The coexistence of the planned system and the market system, as well as governmental intervention and regulated policies, constitute China's mixed economy. In this thesis, I try to evaluate Deng Xiaoping's speeches through rhetorical analysis in order to justify China's economic policies. In addition, I illustrate some historical and cultural factors that would affect Chinese ideas towards the market economy.

Richard Nixon’s trip to China in February 1972 marked a diplomatic breakthrough for Sino-American relations after two decades of mutual animosity since the Korean War. Nevertheless, the bilateral relations underwent a long stalemate in the mid-1970s, before the United States and China finally reached normalization of relations in December 1978. The scholarship on Sino-American relations in the 1970s tends to focus on Nixon’s visit or normalization of relations, without paying adequate attention to how Washington and Beijing dealt with the mid-decade deadlock. My report addresses this gap in the literature by analyzing the changing dynamism of Sino-American relations, determined first by Henry Kissinger and Mao Zedong, and later by Zbigniew Brzezinski and Deng Xiaoping. Kissinger sought to establish a triangular relationship with the Soviet Union and China, where the United States could manipulate the Sino-Soviet antagonism to improve its relations with both communist giants. With the failure of his initial idea of creating an anti-Soviet united front with Washington, Mao, through his Three World theory, championed the Third World struggle against both superpowers in competition for global hegemony in the disguise of détente. With Kissinger clinging to superpower détente and Mao determined to maintain a revolutionary China, their strategies were doomed to a stalemate. Unlike Kissinger, Brzezinski tried to create a bilateral structure, where the United States cooperated with China to confront the Soviet Union, which expanded its influence globally despite ongoing détente. Unlike Mao, Deng sought to replace revolution with development as China’s national agenda, by emphasizing modernization, instead of the Three World theory, in Chinese foreign policy. Their global strategies necessitated mutual cooperation, creating momentum for normalization negotiations, especially after Brzezinski’s trip to China in May 1978. The shifting dynamism in Sino-American relations from the Kissinger-Mao years to Brzezinski-Deng years, therefore, precipitated normalization of relations in the late 1970s. / text

Most analysts study leadership succession in communist states as a "crisis" which ensues after the death of a dominant leader. This study takes an alternative approach. It is a survey of provisions for leadership succession in the People's Republic, of China. This involves a comparison of the strategies and motivations of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping in providing for their own succession. Deng Xiaoping's more extensive provisions for leadership succession during the CCP's transition towards a more institutionalized one-party bureaucratic rule are likely to be more durable than Mao's provisions in the earlier period. Nevertheless, guarantees of smooth and regularized succession, especially of protégés promoted on the basis of personal ties within the leadership core, may be impossible to obtain. Mao's provisions were aimed largely at what he saw as a probable, but deplorable, bureaucratic future of the PRC. Deng, on the other hand, perceives an element of opportunity in the succession process. He has tried to provide leadership that will, in his estimation, be better able to bring about China's modernization. In both leaders' provisions for succession, the elevation to the status of "heir apparent" of individuals has been a political liability to those individuals, especially when their promotion is perceived to be based largely on personal ties to the dominant leader. This liability becomes more pronounced in a period of bureaucratic, collective leadership. Because of his shifting policy preferences, his status as charismatic leader, and the ambitious nature of his protégés, Mao Zedong was unsuccessful in providing for his own succession. Deng Xiaoping, on the other hand, has been successful in cultivating a reserve of young, well-educated cadres. These provisions, because they are extensive and exist in a more subdued, consensus-oriented political environment, may well be Deng's most enduring legacy. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

“The Political and Cultural Economy of Sightseeing” examines how personnel within the state tourism bureaucracy struggled to balance the use of foreign tourism as a form of political, historical, and cultural representation with the demands of developing a revenue-generating service industry in a socialist economy. I argue that tourism, particularly the practice of sightseeing, played an important role in the creation of the “New China”: a re-imagination of the Chinese nation-state as a political, economic, social, and cultural entity under socialism. By focusing on particular elements of the state’s production of the tourist experience, including the formulation of itineraries, the regulation of tourist photography, and changing notions of customer service, this dissertation reexamines the ways the political and economic goals of the state converged during the Mao era (1949-1976) and through the early period of market reforms under Deng Xiaoping in the late 1970s. This dissertation traces the development of tourism infrastructure in the first three decades after the founding of the People’s Republic of China, locating this history at the intersection of public diplomacy and economic development. It will help further our understanding of modern Chinese political and economic history, as well as the broader history of socialism in the twentieth century. “The Political and Cultural Economy of Sightseeing” focuses on the production of tourism rather than the consumption of it. It follows three main groups of actors in the tourism industry of the New China: tourism industry officials; the rank-and-file workers who fed, transported, and guided the tourists; and, to a lesser extent, the tourists themselves. Tourism officials, tourism workers, and tourists all had their own conceptions of the New China and the place of tourism in it. Tourism officials needed to know what the tourism industry meant for the politics and economy of the New China before they could show that new nation to others. Tourism workers needed to understand where their labor fit into the narrative of the New China in order to serve the tourists and serve “the people.” Finally, foreign tourists gazed upon the landscape of the New China in ways that tourism planners, guides, and service workers often struggled to anticipate and manage. Together, these three groups built a tourism industry and contributed to the establishment of a new national narrative.