毛死後，中共權威性的分配規則解體，各派系合縱連橫，試圖掌握毛死後的政治權威，獲取最大利益。本文以過程途徑，研究1976-1989年中國大陸的政治轉型，並佐以中共黨史、中共高層講話等文獻作為分析資料。本文認為，中共的派系為了在聯合過程中佔有較大的優勢，會援引社會力量作為籌碼，而民主化就在派系衝突的過程中進行。鄧小平在贏得和凡是派的鬥爭後，就登上派系共主的地位，並且以「改革」做為統治合法性來源。由於鄧掌權後沒有進行嚴密政治控制，加上人民不滿「改革」所造成社經亂象，中國大陸的自由化運動於1989年發展為大規模的街頭運動，最後鄧小平以鎮壓及「治理整頓」鞏固威權政府權力，並以此重建中共合法性，結束了毛死後這一波的政治轉型運動。

Cheng Wai Sum, Christine. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 133-135). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Background --- p.1-5 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review and Research Methods --- p.6-24 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- Framework for Data Analysis and Interpretation: A Commercialization-Moralization Continuum --- p.25-33 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- The Commercializing Role of a Fan Club: Joey Yung International Fan Club --- p.34-66 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- The Moralizing Role of a Fan Club: Hong Kong Teresa Teng Fan Club --- p.67-97 / Chapter Chapter 6 --- A Dual-purpose Fan Club: Andy World Club (AWC) Limited --- p.98-119 / Chapter Chapter 7 --- Discussion and Conclusion References --- p.120-132

本論文研究目的主要在探討鄧小平時期，中共中央如何制定經濟政策，及探討影響政 策制定的因素和政策變遷。本論文內容共一冊，約十萬字，分六章十五節。 第一章：導論，說明研究目的，界定所用「決策過程」一詞的內涵，並提出研究架構 。 第二章：說明鄧小平與陳雲接收環境訊息管道，和對環境訊息認知的內容。 第三章：分析中共當前的經濟制度和決策結構。 第四章：分析鄧、陳基本性格，中共制定經濟政策的流程和鄧、陳對經濟政策的主張 。 第五章：說明行政系統對政策的執行過程和回饋訊息的管道，並分析政策轉變之因素 。 第六章：結論，對全文作一總結，檢討使用架構的可行性和適用性，並展望將來可能 之發展。

El período que comprende el último cuarto del siglo XX es una época de profundos cambios en las relaciones entre los regímenes comunistas de Pekín y Pyongyang. La llegada de Deng Xiaoping al poder en 1978 y su política reformista en China alteraron de manera sustancial la naturaleza de sus relaciones con Corea del Norte. En esta tesis se ha analizado el período 1978-1997, conocido en China como los años de Deng, de las relaciones sino-norcoreanas tanto desde el punto de vista de la relación bilateral como de la relación en el contexto internacional y en especial de Asia del Nordeste.En el primero de los casos, la relación entre los dos aliados se vio afectada negativamente por una nueva política exterior de Pekín, más pragmática y menos ideológica que la maoísta. Asimismo, la escasa adaptación de una Corea del Norte poco proclive a aceptar los cambios de los años ochenta y noventa llevó a un enfriamiento cada vez mayor entre los dos países aunque jamás hasta el punto de oficializarse una ruptura. En el segundo caso, un contexto internacional cada vez más desfavorable para Pyongyang y los cambios en la escena mundial con el final del conflicto sino-soviético y de la Guerra Fría tuvieron sus repercusiones en la relación entre chinos y norcoreanos, obligando a estos últimos a adaptarse a nueva relación con los primeros donde Pekín pudo por fin desarrollar una política hacia Corea verdaderamente independiente, pese a las tensiones ocasionadas por Pyongyang.A partir del análisis de este período fundamental en la historia de las relaciones sino-norcoreanas, hemos podido concluir que China pasó a estar en una posición de fuerza en sus relaciones con Corea del Norte a partir de finales de los ochenta y que ello repercutió en su política hacia la península coreana. Dejando de lado al mismo tiempo su solidaridad ideológica y apostando claramente por la defensa de sus intereses nacionales, Pekín impulsó una nueva política hacia Corea a partir de los años noventa, cuya importancia radica en el hecho de que sigue siendo en la práctica la política china hacia este país en la actualidad aunque adaptándose a las circunstancias de hoy. Y como único aliado de Corea del Norte, China tiene mucho que decir en la resolución del último conflicto de la Guerra Fría que todavía queda por solucionar. / "Relations between China and North Korea during the Deng Xiaoping Era (1978-1997)"The thesis focuses on the main changes that took place in the relationship between the People's Republic of China and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea in the last quarter of the Twentieth Century.My motivation to have chosen this subject of research stems from the fact that there isn't a lot of research done about the relationship between Beijing and Pyongyang. The period 1978-1997 changed the nature of this relationship, with the national interests becoming the most important aspect of it, instead of ideological solidarity or historical links with the Korean Peninsula. But there is another important aspect: the Deng Xiaoping era inaugurated a new policy towards Korea, known as "Two-Korea policy", that is the current policy of Beijing.The Korean issue remains the last conflict originated by the Cold War that has not been resolved yet. And the role of China, the only ally of North Korea, is crucial for the resolution of this conflict.

本論文研究目的，乃試以路線政策、意識型態與權力鬥爭三個面向來研究現階段中共 改革派與保守派的衝突情形。全文一冊，共分六章十七節，約七萬餘言，各章大要如 下﹕ 第一章﹕導論。主要分為研究動機目的、研究範圍方法與名詞概念的界定澄清。 第二章﹕本章主要探討改革保守兩派在路線政策方面的衝突。共分四節一一政策路線 在中共派系衝突中所扮演的角色、「鄧小平路線」的形成與內涵、改革保守兩派的路 線糾結與衝突、經濟體制改革與「鄧小平路線」的出路。 第三章﹕本章主要探討改革保守兩派在意識型態面向的衝突。共分四節一一意識型態 在中共政權下的特殊地位、「鄧小平路線」與馬克思主義關係、改革保守兩派的思想 紛歧與論爭、現階段中共意識型態運作的取向與困境。 第四章﹕本章主要探討改革派、保守派的權力鬥爭。共分三節一一權力在中共派系衝 突中所占有的地位、鄧小平領導體系的結構與障礙、權力繼承與領導權的爭奪。 第五章﹕本章主要研究現階段中共派系衝突的方式與特徵。栱分三節一一中共黨內鬥 爭的原則、改革保守兩派衝突的方式、現階段中共派系衝突的特徵。 第六章﹕結論。先就本文做個小結。並依研究結果對中共派系衝突的演變做一評估。

鄧小平提出「具有中國特色」的社會主義作為中國大陸現階段社會主義建設的口號， 希望能為中共奉行貳的馬列主義與現實環境之間的矛盾，提供一個可能的解決方案。 本篇論文的主旬就是從「革命理論」（由資本主義社會過渡到共產主義社會的理論） 以及「發展策略「（達成社會主義生產方式的方法、手段）兩個面向，來觀察中共如 何在一個「半殖民、半封建」的社會，建立起社會主義。中共在歷經蘇聯模式、毛澤 東的「大躍進」模式式二種發展策略後，體會出中國大陸的社會主義建設依舊無法解 決生產力和生產關係之門的矛盾，因此在鄧小平上臺後便實行「經濟體制改革（，以 發展生產力作為關鍵。但是為了解決僵硬的意識形態影響改革的問題，而對馬克思主 義採取「發展」的態度終必使得「革命理論」本身也產生修正或改變的現象，仗得發 展策略與革命理論發生辯證的關係。 「中國特色」的社會主義本身就還是一項不斷在發展的體，它未來的走向是一項耐人 尋味的問題。由於中國大陸社會主義本身繼承了史達林主義以黨和國家控制一切的特 質，因此它處處顯示出「國家主義」的色彩，雖然中共也採行某些市場機制以搞活經 濟，但是基本上具有中國特色的社會主義仍然是局限於「國家主義」模式的範疇；這 是由於在資本主義盛行的世界體系之下，社會主義建設本身還是得利用國家機器以爭 取世界分工秩序下一個較有利的地位。中國特色的社會主義一方面要求堅守社會主義 的原則，而另一方面則要求快速現代化。打破這種僵局的方法，還是在於找尋生產力 和生產關係在某一歷史階段的平衡點。

Que signifie "économie de marché socialiste" (EMS)? Quels sont les changements concrets de la planification vers cette EMS? Quel est l'impact de ces changements sur un secteur industriel donné tel que le secteur automobile? Sur les danweis de production? Telles sont les questions que nous voulons étudier dans cette thèse. Notre démarche est empirique. Nous partons d'abord de nos premières observations et des nombreux entretiens sur le terrain. Notre démarche est ensuite systémique et institutionnelle car les réformes, en modifiant les règles du jeu, ont un impact sur l'organisation et la structure de l'industrie et des danweis. Nous soulignons l'évolution des réseaux de production socialiste vers des secteurs industriels différenciés qui restent marqués par leur passé socialiste, comme le secteur automobile. Les travaux sur ce sujet sont encore peu nombreux. Nous utilisons les outils de l'économie industrielle pour analyser les particularités de l'industrie automobile Chinoise et les comparer à celles de l'industrie automobile dans l'économie de marché capitaliste. Les résultats de notre recherche sont les suivants: Dans le courant de pensée économique dominant, l'idée de "socialisme de marché" est associée à l'idée d'un système de marché qui éviterait les problèmes de répartition inégale de richesse liée aux droits de propriété privée. Mais en réalité le cas Chinois nous montre plutôt une coexistence de deux systèmes parallèles qu'une compatibilité entre socialisme et marché. Ainsi, parallèlement à un système socialiste qui perdure, on assiste à un recul du pouvoir politique et de l'administration, à une plus grande indépendance de la législation vis-à-vis du Parti, et à la mise en place progressive de mécanismes de marché. Au niveau de l'industrie, les réformes tentent de transformer en secteurs industriels les réseaux de production socialistes cloisonnés verticalement et horizontalement issus de la planification socialiste. Pour transformer les danweis multi-fonctionnelles, les réformes tâtonnent par expérimentation de différentes méthodes de gestion, les rendent "responsables économiquement", tout en gardant intact le système de droit de propriété publique (idéologie socialiste).

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T19:20:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Waway.pdf: 7692570 bytes, checksum: e3ff52bc09dd27266283099cd22e606f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-05-14 / The major cultural changes that are emerging nowadays present a new identity and a sharp interrogation of its theories apart from social-relational tensions. In this respect, the object of this research presents a scientific theme in general for curiosity purposes. Brought to the camp of Religious Sciences, it aims at integrating the debate process about different dimensions of cultural pluralism and religious phenomenon of the contemporary society. The study base itself on a multi-cultural catholic religious group: The Comboni Missionary Institute. In its derivation, the thesis analizes the paradigm of the inter-cultural experience of Daniel Sorur Pharim Deng, of the Dinka African ethnic group, as an anthological illustration of cultural identity of a black man in the context of this multi-cultural catholic institution. In this context, the cultural identity of the black African must be understood in its inter-cultural relation, as collective and plural. Secondly, the thesis not only dares to discuss cultural identity and inter-cultural concepts pointing to its academic insufficiency and ambiguity in its ecclesial and neo-liberal use, but also aims at its living validity. Lastly, after reflecting about the fundamental conditions for this intercultural dialogue, the research proposes the inter-culturation paradigm that will get rid of the silence between ethnocentric acculturation and inculturation in the multi-cultural context. The inter-culturation helps to understand the theme in a concomitant, articulate and various ways, guarding all the lived experiences and expressions of the group s common ideal and at the same time safeguarding the wishes of all in the partiality of each cultural identity. In this way, the discussion of this thesis aims not only at operational horizon that is capable of facing the major challenges of cultures living together peacefully, but also a presentation of research sector in Religious Sciences, where many aspects are yet to be explored. Basically, this study operates in the interface between Anthropology, Religious Sciences and Theology and makes an appeal to discuss the problems raised by the religious phenomenon in the inter-cultural and inter-disciplinary horizon / As grandes mudanças culturais que ocorrem nos tempos atuais dão à questão das identidades um novo colorido e lhe conferem agudas interrogações em áreas teóricas, além das tensões sócio-relacionais. Nesse sentido, o objeto desta pesquisa constitui de modo geral um tema de curiosidade científica. Trazido para o campo das Ciências da Religião, pretende integrar-se aos debates sobre diferentes dimensões do pluralismo cultural e do fenômeno religioso na sociedade contemporânea. O estudo se refere a um grupo religioso católico pluricultural: o Instituto dos missionários combonianos. No seu procedimento a tese analisa a experiência intercultural paradigmática do negro-africano do grupo Dinka, Daniel Sorur Pharim Deng, como uma ilustração antológica da identidade cultural do negro no contexto dessa instituição católica pluricultural. Nesse contexto, a identidade cultural negro-africana deve ser entendida em sua relação intercultural, como lugar coletivo e plural. Em um segundo passo, a tese sabatina os conceitos de identidade cultural e do intercultural apontando para a sua insuficiência acadêmica e ambigüidade em seu uso eclesial e neoliberal, mas indica também sua validade vivencial. Em fim, depois de refletir sobre as condições fundamentais para o diálogo intercultural, a pesquisa propõe o paradigma da interculturação que rompe o silêncio entre a aculturação etnocêntrica e a inculturação no contexto pluricultural. A interculturação ajuda a entender o tema de uma maneira concomitante, articulada e diferenciada, guardando em um todo vivido de experiências e expressões o ideal comum do grupo e, ao mesmo tempo, resguardando na parcialidade de cada identidade cultural os anseios que são de todos. Assim, a discussão da tese aponta não apenas para um horizonte operacional capaz de enfrentar os grandes desafios da convivência pacífica entre culturas, como também para um setor de pesquisa em Ciências da Religião, onde muitos aspectos restam ainda a explorar. O estudo se move basicamente na interface entre Antropologia, Ciências da Religião e Teologia e constitui um apelo a discutir a problemática posta por esse fenômeno religioso no horizonte intercultural e interdisciplinar

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本論文採取歷史文獻分析與理解社會學(verstehende Soziologie)的研究途徑，從「以中國說中國」的方法入手，重視歷史事實作為論證基礎的功能與意義。 對中共「民主集中制」的研究在廣度與深度上都超乎中國大陸內部與外部學者在這方面的論述，系統化地借助中共黨史反映了民主集中制一般不為人所注意的關鍵面向。對民主集中制之作用的分析引導筆者發現，中國大陸總體面出現一個「黨、國家、社會」的三角形，這是在現階段與可預見之未來的人類文明中一個非常態的國家總體結構。筆者進而對照西方權力制衡的理論，反映出在民主集中制下是不可能發展出真正的權力制約與監督的機制的，民主集中制的內涵處處體現「一元化整體性控制意識」，民主與民主集中制之間無論就理論或現實運作都存在不可調和的矛盾。 改革開放以來的中共文化戰略奠基者為鄧小平，他的基本方法是將重心放在寄望以經濟建設的成果支持行為層面的紀律，進而鞏固精神思想層面的意識形態。順此，他主張「不搞爭論」與「堅持四項基本原則」，希望大力發展生產力，強調的是「工具理性」。這些其實都是受民主集中制之「一元化整體性控制意識」的影響。 筆者採用各種型態的資料與具體數據說明「『民主集中制』對文化戰略的影響」與「『民主集中制』對改革開放以來文化戰略與戰略造成的困難與挑戰」，呈現出中共文化戰略的不合理與不合時的性質。從文化戰略的視角可以看到許多中國大陸現今不易從單純的政治、經濟、社會的角度所能觀察到的問題。本論文針對此方面的解決方案與方向提出了一些線索與頭緒。 最後，解釋在第一章提出之胡錦濤表現的反差現象。其次，論證中國大陸的政治體制改革應為不可迴避的必要之務，民主改革未必對中共不利，可能更有利。同時回答第一章中共如何統治的問題。 / Adopting the approaches of historical document analyses and understanding sociology, this dissertation brings the method of explaining China in terms of China into bear and places importance on the function and meaning of historical facts as the departing basis of its discussions. Based on the Chinese Communist Party’s (the CCP hereafter) history, the dissertation systematically presents some key points of the CCP’s democratic centralism, to which attention was not paid. It shows wider and deeper understanding of the CCP’s democratic centralism. The understanding leads the author to notice the “party, state and society” triangle, which reflects the uniqueness of the structure of China as a country in the contemporary world. The CCP’s democratic centralism reflects “consciousness of unitary holistic control” and is in fact incompatible with democracy by its normal definition in respect of theory and practice. The foundation of the CCP’s cultural development since the reform and opening was laid by Deng Xiaoping, whose methodology laid stress on economic development. Deng hoped to accomplish some economic achievements to secure behavioral discipline among people and finally consolidate the party’s ideologies and theories. He therefore advocated “no disputes” and “insistence on four fundamental principles” and did his best to promote development of productivity, namely instrumental rationality. All he did embodied “consciousness of unitary holistic control,” so has the CCP’s cultural strategies done the same. Basing on different types of materials and data, the author analyzed the influences of the CCP’s democratic centralism on its cultural strategies and presented the difficulties and challenges to the strategies caused by the democratic centralism since the reform and opening. In the final chapter, the author explained Hu Jintao’s surprising reaction and answered the question how the CCP has been ruling the country. Both were mentioned in Chapter one.