Thesis (M.A.)--The University of Regina (Canada), 2001. / Advisers: J. Matsumura, Y. Zhu. Includes bibliographical references.

Mixed economies gradually emerge in many countries. China is no exception. China's traditional planned economy system is limited to state-owned enterprises, which are undergoing reform. In the private sector, the market system has begun to play a dominant role. The coexistence of the planned system and the market system, as well as governmental intervention and regulated policies, constitute China's mixed economy. In this thesis, I try to evaluate Deng Xiaoping's speeches through rhetorical analysis in order to justify China's economic policies. In addition, I illustrate some historical and cultural factors that would affect Chinese ideas towards the market economy.

The foundation of the Chinese Communist Party was originated from the Bolshevik revolution in 1917 and the May Forth movement in 1919. Of the two events, the former inherited the ideological characteristics of ¡§globalization¡¨ on Marxism, while the latter embodied the ideological features of ¡§localization¡¨ on nationalism. Up to now, the ideology of the Chinese Communist Party has still been involving the dialectics of ¡§globalization¡¨ and ¡§localization¡¨. This doctoral dissertation first elaborates on the research motivation, purpose, method, documents, framework and so forth. It then continues to expound on the definitions of ideology, dialectics, globalization and localization. The third chapter discusses Marxism and Leninism which are the origins of the Chinese Communist Party¡¦s ideology. Chapter four analyzes how Mao Zedong conducted the dialectics of ideology and helped the Chinese Communist Party to seize power. Chapter five explores why Mao Zedong led the dialectics of the Chinese Communist Party¡¦s ideology to advance the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution. The sixth chapter studies how Deng Xiaoping guided the dialectics of ideology and promoted the Chinese Communist Party to transform a political movement into an economic reform. Chapter seven investigates why and how Jiang Zemin, and later, Hu Jintao carry on the dialectics of the Chinese Communist Party¡¦s ideology and construct the important thought of Three Represents, harmonious society of socialism, etc. Chapter eight concludes the achievements and discoveries of this research. Be it Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao, or, as a matter of fact, regardless of whoever was or is in charge, the leader of the Chinese Communist Party invariably conducts the dialectics of ideology on the ¡§globalization¡¨ of Marxism-Leninism and the ¡§localization¡¨ of the Chinese Communist Party in power. Based on the successful experience of ¡§localization¡¨ of socialism with Chinese characteristics, the Chinese Communist Party expects to achieve the goal of ¡§globalization¡¨ of the Marxism-Leninism.

Mixed economies gradually emerge in many countries. China is no exception. China's traditional planned economy system is limited to state-owned enterprises, which are undergoing reform. In the private sector, the market system has begun to play a dominant role. The coexistence of the planned system and the market system, as well as governmental intervention and regulated policies, constitute China's mixed economy. In this thesis, I try to evaluate Deng Xiaoping's speeches through rhetorical analysis in order to justify China's economic policies. In addition, I illustrate some historical and cultural factors that would affect Chinese ideas towards the market economy.

Richard Nixon’s trip to China in February 1972 marked a diplomatic breakthrough for Sino-American relations after two decades of mutual animosity since the Korean War. Nevertheless, the bilateral relations underwent a long stalemate in the mid-1970s, before the United States and China finally reached normalization of relations in December 1978. The scholarship on Sino-American relations in the 1970s tends to focus on Nixon’s visit or normalization of relations, without paying adequate attention to how Washington and Beijing dealt with the mid-decade deadlock. My report addresses this gap in the literature by analyzing the changing dynamism of Sino-American relations, determined first by Henry Kissinger and Mao Zedong, and later by Zbigniew Brzezinski and Deng Xiaoping. Kissinger sought to establish a triangular relationship with the Soviet Union and China, where the United States could manipulate the Sino-Soviet antagonism to improve its relations with both communist giants. With the failure of his initial idea of creating an anti-Soviet united front with Washington, Mao, through his Three World theory, championed the Third World struggle against both superpowers in competition for global hegemony in the disguise of détente. With Kissinger clinging to superpower détente and Mao determined to maintain a revolutionary China, their strategies were doomed to a stalemate. Unlike Kissinger, Brzezinski tried to create a bilateral structure, where the United States cooperated with China to confront the Soviet Union, which expanded its influence globally despite ongoing détente. Unlike Mao, Deng sought to replace revolution with development as China’s national agenda, by emphasizing modernization, instead of the Three World theory, in Chinese foreign policy. Their global strategies necessitated mutual cooperation, creating momentum for normalization negotiations, especially after Brzezinski’s trip to China in May 1978. The shifting dynamism in Sino-American relations from the Kissinger-Mao years to Brzezinski-Deng years, therefore, precipitated normalization of relations in the late 1970s. / text

Most analysts study leadership succession in communist states as a "crisis" which ensues after the death of a dominant leader. This study takes an alternative approach. It is a survey of provisions for leadership succession in the People's Republic, of China. This involves a comparison of the strategies and motivations of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping in providing for their own succession. Deng Xiaoping's more extensive provisions for leadership succession during the CCP's transition towards a more institutionalized one-party bureaucratic rule are likely to be more durable than Mao's provisions in the earlier period. Nevertheless, guarantees of smooth and regularized succession, especially of protégés promoted on the basis of personal ties within the leadership core, may be impossible to obtain. Mao's provisions were aimed largely at what he saw as a probable, but deplorable, bureaucratic future of the PRC. Deng, on the other hand, perceives an element of opportunity in the succession process. He has tried to provide leadership that will, in his estimation, be better able to bring about China's modernization. In both leaders' provisions for succession, the elevation to the status of "heir apparent" of individuals has been a political liability to those individuals, especially when their promotion is perceived to be based largely on personal ties to the dominant leader. This liability becomes more pronounced in a period of bureaucratic, collective leadership. Because of his shifting policy preferences, his status as charismatic leader, and the ambitious nature of his protégés, Mao Zedong was unsuccessful in providing for his own succession. Deng Xiaoping, on the other hand, has been successful in cultivating a reserve of young, well-educated cadres. These provisions, because they are extensive and exist in a more subdued, consensus-oriented political environment, may well be Deng's most enduring legacy. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

“The Political and Cultural Economy of Sightseeing” examines how personnel within the state tourism bureaucracy struggled to balance the use of foreign tourism as a form of political, historical, and cultural representation with the demands of developing a revenue-generating service industry in a socialist economy. I argue that tourism, particularly the practice of sightseeing, played an important role in the creation of the “New China”: a re-imagination of the Chinese nation-state as a political, economic, social, and cultural entity under socialism. By focusing on particular elements of the state’s production of the tourist experience, including the formulation of itineraries, the regulation of tourist photography, and changing notions of customer service, this dissertation reexamines the ways the political and economic goals of the state converged during the Mao era (1949-1976) and through the early period of market reforms under Deng Xiaoping in the late 1970s. This dissertation traces the development of tourism infrastructure in the first three decades after the founding of the People’s Republic of China, locating this history at the intersection of public diplomacy and economic development. It will help further our understanding of modern Chinese political and economic history, as well as the broader history of socialism in the twentieth century. “The Political and Cultural Economy of Sightseeing” focuses on the production of tourism rather than the consumption of it. It follows three main groups of actors in the tourism industry of the New China: tourism industry officials; the rank-and-file workers who fed, transported, and guided the tourists; and, to a lesser extent, the tourists themselves. Tourism officials, tourism workers, and tourists all had their own conceptions of the New China and the place of tourism in it. Tourism officials needed to know what the tourism industry meant for the politics and economy of the New China before they could show that new nation to others. Tourism workers needed to understand where their labor fit into the narrative of the New China in order to serve the tourists and serve “the people.” Finally, foreign tourists gazed upon the landscape of the New China in ways that tourism planners, guides, and service workers often struggled to anticipate and manage. Together, these three groups built a tourism industry and contributed to the establishment of a new national narrative.

毛死後，中共權威性的分配規則解體，各派系合縱連橫，試圖掌握毛死後的政治權威，獲取最大利益。本文以過程途徑，研究1976-1989年中國大陸的政治轉型，並佐以中共黨史、中共高層講話等文獻作為分析資料。本文認為，中共的派系為了在聯合過程中佔有較大的優勢，會援引社會力量作為籌碼，而民主化就在派系衝突的過程中進行。鄧小平在贏得和凡是派的鬥爭後，就登上派系共主的地位，並且以「改革」做為統治合法性來源。由於鄧掌權後沒有進行嚴密政治控制，加上人民不滿「改革」所造成社經亂象，中國大陸的自由化運動於1989年發展為大規模的街頭運動，最後鄧小平以鎮壓及「治理整頓」鞏固威權政府權力，並以此重建中共合法性，結束了毛死後這一波的政治轉型運動。

El período que comprende el último cuarto del siglo XX es una época de profundos cambios en las relaciones entre los regímenes comunistas de Pekín y Pyongyang. La llegada de Deng Xiaoping al poder en 1978 y su política reformista en China alteraron de manera sustancial la naturaleza de sus relaciones con Corea del Norte. En esta tesis se ha analizado el período 1978-1997, conocido en China como los años de Deng, de las relaciones sino-norcoreanas tanto desde el punto de vista de la relación bilateral como de la relación en el contexto internacional y en especial de Asia del Nordeste.En el primero de los casos, la relación entre los dos aliados se vio afectada negativamente por una nueva política exterior de Pekín, más pragmática y menos ideológica que la maoísta. Asimismo, la escasa adaptación de una Corea del Norte poco proclive a aceptar los cambios de los años ochenta y noventa llevó a un enfriamiento cada vez mayor entre los dos países aunque jamás hasta el punto de oficializarse una ruptura. En el segundo caso, un contexto internacional cada vez más desfavorable para Pyongyang y los cambios en la escena mundial con el final del conflicto sino-soviético y de la Guerra Fría tuvieron sus repercusiones en la relación entre chinos y norcoreanos, obligando a estos últimos a adaptarse a nueva relación con los primeros donde Pekín pudo por fin desarrollar una política hacia Corea verdaderamente independiente, pese a las tensiones ocasionadas por Pyongyang.A partir del análisis de este período fundamental en la historia de las relaciones sino-norcoreanas, hemos podido concluir que China pasó a estar en una posición de fuerza en sus relaciones con Corea del Norte a partir de finales de los ochenta y que ello repercutió en su política hacia la península coreana. Dejando de lado al mismo tiempo su solidaridad ideológica y apostando claramente por la defensa de sus intereses nacionales, Pekín impulsó una nueva política hacia Corea a partir de los años noventa, cuya importancia radica en el hecho de que sigue siendo en la práctica la política china hacia este país en la actualidad aunque adaptándose a las circunstancias de hoy. Y como único aliado de Corea del Norte, China tiene mucho que decir en la resolución del último conflicto de la Guerra Fría que todavía queda por solucionar. / "Relations between China and North Korea during the Deng Xiaoping Era (1978-1997)"The thesis focuses on the main changes that took place in the relationship between the People's Republic of China and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea in the last quarter of the Twentieth Century.My motivation to have chosen this subject of research stems from the fact that there isn't a lot of research done about the relationship between Beijing and Pyongyang. The period 1978-1997 changed the nature of this relationship, with the national interests becoming the most important aspect of it, instead of ideological solidarity or historical links with the Korean Peninsula. But there is another important aspect: the Deng Xiaoping era inaugurated a new policy towards Korea, known as "Two-Korea policy", that is the current policy of Beijing.The Korean issue remains the last conflict originated by the Cold War that has not been resolved yet. And the role of China, the only ally of North Korea, is crucial for the resolution of this conflict.

Que signifie "économie de marché socialiste" (EMS)? Quels sont les changements concrets de la planification vers cette EMS? Quel est l'impact de ces changements sur un secteur industriel donné tel que le secteur automobile? Sur les danweis de production? Telles sont les questions que nous voulons étudier dans cette thèse. Notre démarche est empirique. Nous partons d'abord de nos premières observations et des nombreux entretiens sur le terrain. Notre démarche est ensuite systémique et institutionnelle car les réformes, en modifiant les règles du jeu, ont un impact sur l'organisation et la structure de l'industrie et des danweis. Nous soulignons l'évolution des réseaux de production socialiste vers des secteurs industriels différenciés qui restent marqués par leur passé socialiste, comme le secteur automobile. Les travaux sur ce sujet sont encore peu nombreux. Nous utilisons les outils de l'économie industrielle pour analyser les particularités de l'industrie automobile Chinoise et les comparer à celles de l'industrie automobile dans l'économie de marché capitaliste. Les résultats de notre recherche sont les suivants: Dans le courant de pensée économique dominant, l'idée de "socialisme de marché" est associée à l'idée d'un système de marché qui éviterait les problèmes de répartition inégale de richesse liée aux droits de propriété privée. Mais en réalité le cas Chinois nous montre plutôt une coexistence de deux systèmes parallèles qu'une compatibilité entre socialisme et marché. Ainsi, parallèlement à un système socialiste qui perdure, on assiste à un recul du pouvoir politique et de l'administration, à une plus grande indépendance de la législation vis-à-vis du Parti, et à la mise en place progressive de mécanismes de marché. Au niveau de l'industrie, les réformes tentent de transformer en secteurs industriels les réseaux de production socialistes cloisonnés verticalement et horizontalement issus de la planification socialiste. Pour transformer les danweis multi-fonctionnelles, les réformes tâtonnent par expérimentation de différentes méthodes de gestion, les rendent "responsables économiquement", tout en gardant intact le système de droit de propriété publique (idéologie socialiste).