Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:46:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 AnyKMTP.pdf: 1300075 bytes, checksum: 1b37233436c76fc2f672bbff31f4301d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-12-10 / This work shows the results of the research: Attended Liberty Program Adolescents in Conflict with the Law and the Disapproval of Rights, effected in the community of Natal, Rio Grande do Norte, in period of august 2007 to September 2008. It aims to analyze the social-educative attendance directed to adolescents in conflict with the law through the state, since the Social-educative Measure Attended Liberty, known, as an idoneous way of confrontation to the practice of infraction acts imputed to the adolescent, that needs to give emphasis, in disadvantage of the Social-educative Measurement of Internment, to be proposed (ECA, art 118 and 199) to follow the adolescent in this quotidian, close to his family and community, proposing him through social-educative work, the access to education and occupancy, as well other public services, that help him to surpass the context of privation and disapproval of rights in which lives joined to his family. In our study, it was observed in sequence of approaching, subsidized for theoretical-methodological procedures justified in quantity and quality research, that were privileged to the documental research, the observation and the interview almost structured, besides a theoretical basis about the subject, that the relation of category and inequality in which the capitalist society sustains itself, does the practice of infraction acts imputed to the adolescent, acquires a classist character, in which the property of the money defines the access of the justice. And more, many of the poor adolescents that get into conflict with the law, dweller of the periphery districts of Natal/RN, becomes evident as for segment that has been attended in the Jurisdiction of the Infancy and Youth and in the LAN of Social-educative Attendance, becoming individual the infraction act and its confrontation. We hope in this work, to contribute for the care of the reality of the adolescent in conflict with the law in the Attended Liberty Program, without pretension to exhaust it, as well as later studies about the theme / Este trabalho apresenta os resultados da pesquisa: Programa Liberdade Assistida Adolescentes em Conflito com a Lei e a Viola??o de direitos, efetuada no munic?pio de Natal, Rio Grande do Norte, no per?odo de agosto de 2007 a setembro de 2008. Tem por objetivo analisar o atendimento s?cio-educativo direcionado ao adolescente em conflito com a lei fornecido pelo estado, a partir da Medida S?cio-Educativa Liberdade Assistida, compreendida enquanto um caminho de enfrentamento ? pr?tica de atos infracionais atribu?da ao adolescente, que precisa ser priorizada em detrimento da Medida S?cio-Educativa de Interna??o, por se propor a acompanhar o adolescente em seu cotidiano, junto ? sua fam?lia e comunidade, proporcionando-lhe, por meio do trabalho s?cio-educativo, o acesso ? escolariza??o e ? profissionaliza??o, bem como aos demais servi?os p?blicos que o ajudem a superar o contexto de priva??es e Viola??o de direitos em que vive juntamente com sua fam?lia. Em nosso estudo observou-se por aproxima??es sucessivas subsidiadas por procedimentos te?rico-metodol?gicos fundamentados na pesquisa quali-quantitativa, nos quais foram privilegiadas a pesquisa documental, a observa??o e a entrevista semi-estruturada, al?m de uma fundamenta??o te?rica a respeito do tema, que as rela??es de classe e de desigualdade sobre a qual a sociedade capitalista se sustenta, faz com que a pr?tica de atos infracionais atribu?da ao adolescente, adquira um car?ter classista, cuja propriedade determina o acesso a justi?a, individualizando o ato infracional e o seu enfrentamento. E mais: muitos dos adolescentes pobres, que se encontram em conflito com lei s?o moradores dos bairros perif?ricos de Natal/RN e se evidenciam quanto ao segmento que vem sendo atendido nas Varas da Inf?ncia e da Juventude e na Rede de Atendimento S?cio-Educativo. Espera-se, com este trabalho, contribuir para o desvelamento da realidade do adolescente em conflito com a lei no Programa Liberdade Assistida, sem pretens?o de esgotar o assunto, e subs?dio para posteriores estudos sobre o tema.

Submitted by Geandra Rodrigues (geandrar@gmail.com) on 2017-12-21T17:26:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 cristianoniviodemorais.pdf: 1425332 bytes, checksum: 39a617f9fd2ebbe5185124318b826a30 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-12-22T12:16:43Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 cristianoniviodemorais.pdf: 1425332 bytes, checksum: 39a617f9fd2ebbe5185124318b826a30 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-22T12:16:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 cristianoniviodemorais.pdf: 1425332 bytes, checksum: 39a617f9fd2ebbe5185124318b826a30 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-07-13 / A presente dissertação foi desenvolvida no âmbito do Programa de Pós-graduação Profissional em Gestão e Avaliação da Educação (PPGP) do Centro de Políticas Públicas e Avaliação da Educação da Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (CAEd/UFJF). O caso de gestão estudado analisou os fatores relacionados aos problemas de fluxo escolar na Escola Estadual Presidente Tancredo Neves, município de Carmópolis de Minas, a partir da percepção de diversos atores escolares, sendo estes os alunos, professores e gestores. Este estudo teve como objetivo investigar e compreender os fatores que ocasionam as retenções e o abandono escolar, bem como analisar a influência das especificidades presentes na escola investigada nos problemas de fluxo, e propor um plano de ação para minimizá-lo. Para tal compreensão, foi realizada uma contextualização da evolução do ensino médio brasileiro e sua insistente e problemática dualidade. Para o procedimento de investigação, foi adotada a pesquisa bibliográfica e a pesquisa de campo. Como técnicas de pesquisa foram utilizadas a entrevista semiestruturada com o diretor e a ex-diretora da escola, além de grupos focais compostos por membros dos segmentos de atores escolares. A análise dos dados da pesquisa foi produzida à luz de autores relevantes no campo educacional, como Heloísa Luck (1998; 2009), Juarez Tarcísio Dayrell (1996; 2009), Ruben Klein (2006), Paulo César Rodrigues Carrano (2016), Acácia Zeneida Kuenzer (1989), Sabrina Moehlecke (2012), Nora Rut Krawczyk (2009; 2011), José Carlos Libaneo (2016), dentre outros. Destaca-se, no trabalho, a produção de um Plano de Ação Educacional que compreende a elaboração de propostas de intervenção a serem conduzidas pela gestão escolar, visando minimizar a evasão e o abandono escolar. As ações foram desenhadas a partir da necessidade de se criar um projeto de acolhimento dos alunos novatos na escola, resgatar a participação dos pais na vida escolar, repensar a prática pedagógica e avaliativa e estimular o protagonismo juvenil. / This dissertation was developed under the Program of Professional Postgraduate in Management and Evaluation of Education (PPGP) of the Public Policies Center and Education Evaluation of the Federal University of Juiz de Fora (CAEd / UFJF). The studied management case analyzed the factors related to the problems of school flow in the Presidente Tancredo Neves State School, Carmópolis de Minas State, under the perception of several school actors, these being the students, teachers and managers. The purpose of this study was to investigate and understand the factors that cause retention and dropout, as well as to analyze the influence of the specificities present in the investigated school in the problems of flow, and propose a plan of action to minimize it. For this understanding, a contextualization of the evolution of Brazilian high school and its insistent and problematic duality was carried out. For the investigation procedure, the bibliographical research and the field research were adopted. As research techniques, it was used a semi-structured interview, with the director and the former director of the school, and a focus groups composed by school members. The analysis of the research data was produced in the light of relevant authors in the educational field, such as Heloísa Luck (1998; 2009), Juarez Tarcísio Dayrell (1996; 2009), Ruben Klein (2006), Paulo César Rodrigues Carrano (2016), Acácia Zeneida Kuenzer (1989), Sabrina Moehlecke (2012), Nora Rut Krawczyk (2009; 2011), José Carlos Libaneo (2016)among others. It is worth mentioning the production of an Educational Action Plan, which includes the elaboration of intervention proposals to be conducted by the school management, aiming at minimizing dropout and dropping out of school. The actions were designed, based on the needs to create a project to welcome the novice students in school, to rescue the parents’ participation in school life, to rethink pedagogical and evaluative practice and to stimulate youth protagonism.

No description available.

O Programa Nacional de Assistência Estudantil (PNAES) tem como finalidade ampliar as condições de permanência de discentes no ensino superior público federal. O objetivo de investigação deste trabalho é avaliar a efetividade do PNAES, para responder a pergunta se o PNAES foi um sucesso ou fracasso na Universidade Federal de Alfenas (UNIFAL-MG), no período de 2014 a 2016. Para isso, foram elaborados o índice de evasão relativa e o índice de reprovação relativa, que comparam a proporção de evasão e reprovação entre alunos não assistidos e assistidos pelo PNAES. Os resultados dos índices foram utilizados para avaliar a efetividade do PNAES. O processo de avaliação seguiu a estrutura do marco lógico que detalha o PNAES em produto, atividades, objetivos e finalidade. Ademais, foi utilizada a técnica de análise de correspondência múltipla, para analisar outras variáveis atreladas à permanência dos alunos além da assistência estudantil. Os objetivos específicos da pesquisa foram: 1º) elaborar o índice de reprovação relativa e o índice de evasão relativa, para mensurar os resultados do PNAES; 2º) aplicar o instrumento de avaliação, denominado marco lógico, para orientar a avaliação da efetividade do PNAES na UNIFAL-MG; e 3º) analisar outras variáveis possivelmente associadas à permanência de alunos na UNIFAL-MG, além das ações de assistência estudantil, como o estágio não obrigatório e as atividades de pesquisa, monitoria e extensão. Foi realizada a avalição da efetividade para os alunos ingressantes no primeiro e segundo semestres de 2014. Foi possível observar que o PNAES foi efetivo no aspecto da evasão em todos os cursos, uma vez que nos semestres avaliados os alunos assistidos evadiram em proporção igual ou menor que os alunos não assistidos. Com relação à reprovação, o PNAES foi efetivo em 64% dos cursos analisados no 1º/2014 e em aproximadamente 66% dos cursos analisados do 2º/2014. Conclui-se que o PNAES foi um sucesso para o período analisado com relação à evasão, porém com a ressalva dos cursos que necessitam de estudos para levantar os motivos de reprovações dos alunos assistidos. A aplicação da técnica de análise de correspondência múltipla possibilitou levantar a hipótese: que as atividades de pesquisa, monitoria e extensão estão associadas à permanência dos alunos ingressantes no período entre o 1º/2014 até o 1º/2016, associação esta não podendo ser aplicada com relação aos alunos de estágio não obrigatório ingressantes no 1º/2015 e no 1º/2016. / The National Program of Student Assistance (PNAES) aims to extend the conditions of permanence of speeches in the federal public higher education. The objective of the research of this work is to evaluate the effectiveness of the PNAES to answer a question if the PNAES was a success or failure at the Federal University of Alfenas (UNIFAL-MG), from 2014 to 2016. For this, of relative avoidance and replication index, which compare the proportion of avoidance and disapproval among students not assisted and assisted by the PNAES. The results of the indices are used to evaluate the effectiveness of the PNAES. The evaluation process followed a logical framework structure that details the PNAES in product, activities, objectives and purpose. In addition, it was used as a multiple correspondence analysis technique to analyze other variables linked to students' permanence beyond student assistance. The specific objectives of the research are: 1) to elaborate the relative rejection index and the relative avoidance index, to measure the results of the PNAES; 2) to apply the assessment tool, called the Logical Framework, to guide an evaluation of the effectiveness of the NAPA in UNIFAL-MG; and 3) to analyze other variables possibly associated with the permanence of students in UNIFAL-MG, in addition to the student's actions, such as the non-compulsory internship and research, monitoring and extension activities. An evaluation of the effectiveness of incoming students was carried out in the first and second semesters of 2014. I found that it is not a participant of all courses, since in the semesters the students assisted were evaded in equal or lesser proportion than the unassisted students. With regard to failure, the PNAES was effective in 64% of the courses analyzed in 1/2014 and in approximately 66% of the courses analyzed in 2 / 2014. It was concluded that the PNAES was a success for the period analyzed with However, with a caveat of the courses that need studies to raise the pairs of student disapprovals. The application of the technique of multiple correspondence analysis makes it possible to raise the hypothesis: that as research, monitoring and extension activities are associated to the stay of incoming students in the period between 1º / 2014 until 1º / 2016, an association that can not be applied with for non-compulsory students entering the 1st / 2015 and the 1st / 2016.

Intimate relationships function not in isolation, but within a broader social network and social environment, in which the opinions and actions of close network members can play a role in how a relationship develops. The current study investigated how perceiving support for one’s relationship (including same-sex and mixed-sex relationships) from friends and family is associated with not only relationship well-being, but also the mental and physical health of the individuals within the relationship. After establishing that social support specifically for a relationship was indeed a separate and unique construct as compared to more general social support for an individual, the study tested a hypothesized model using structural equation modeling, finding evidence for a model in which the association between support for a relationship and the health outcomes for an individual is fully mediated by relationship well-being. Relationship type (i.e., same-sex versus mixed-sex) was not a significant moderator, indicating that regardless of relationship type, individuals who perceive more support for their relationship are also more likely to report greater relationship satisfaction and better mental and physical health. Furthermore, participants provided data up to three times over a period of three years, allowing for an examination of how social support for a relationship functions as a predictor of relationship well-being and health outcomes over time. Perceived social support for a relationship at Time 1 was found to be a significant predictor of the rate of relationship dissolution over the course of the study as well as relational and health outcomes at later points in time. With respect to the source of support for the relationship, evidence was found that support from parents and friends both have associations with relationship outcomes, but these findings were inconsistent across analyses with support from parents having stronger associations in some analyses and support from friends having stronger associations in others. Reasons for these discrepancies are discussed, as well as theoretical implications concerning the role that perceived social support for relationships plays in the prediction of relationship well-being and mental and physical health. / Thesis (Ph.D, Psychology) -- Queen's University, 2012-05-29 21:04:59.381

Problématique. Cette thèse examine comment la pression sociale — issue de la norme sociale que voter est un devoir civique — influence la décision d’aller voter ou non. La recherche sur la participation électorale est largement dominée par une vision de l’électeur comme étant un acteur individuel et rationnel. Ce faisant, trop peu d’attention a été portée spécifiquement au rôle du cercle social comme vecteur de pression sociale. De plus, une importante littérature en psychologie sociale démontre de la puissante influence des normes sociales et de la pression sociale qui s’en dégage sur les comportements. En science politique, les études expérimentales associées au projet Get-Out-The-Vote (GOTV) ont démontré l’effet causal de la pression sociale sur la participation électorale. Cependant, ces études ne nous aident pas à comprendre comment cette pression s’exerce dans la vie quotidienne, ni à en déterminer la fréquence, l’intensité, ou encore qui l’exerce et qui la subit. Quelques études observationnelles récentes traitent de certaines de ces questions et offrent de premiers éléments de réponse. Cette thèse s’inscrit dans cette littérature émergente, avec pour objectifs de mesurer, décrire et comprendre la pression sociale pour aller voter et son influence sur la participation électorale en dehors d’un contexte expérimental. Questions de recherche. Je cherche à répondre à quatre questions fondamentales sur la pression sociale pour aller voter : 1) Combien ? Quelle proportion de personnes rapportent de la pression sociale pour aller voter et combien de pression reçoivent-elles ? 2) Qui ? Qui émet la pression sociale pour aller voter et qui la subit ? 3) Comment ? Comment la pression sociale pour aller voter s’exerce-t-elle ? Par quel mécanisme influence-t-elle la décision de voter ou non ? 4) Quels effets ? Quel est l’effet de la pression sociale sur la participation électorale et comment est-ce que cet effet varie ? Méthodologie. La thèse se divise en trois chapitres empiriques sous forme d’articles scientifiques. Je présente dans le premier chapitre empirique un portrait descriptif et comparatif de la pression sociale à partir de données de 65 études électorales dans 11 pays, totalisant environ 287 000 répondants et plus de 872 000 mesures de pression sociale. Je me concentre dans les deux autres chapitres empiriques sur le rôle et l’influence des attentes de désapprobation de l’abstention sur la participation électorale. Je cherche dans le second chapitre empirique à comprendre les déterminants des attentes de désapprobation ainsi que l’intersection entre le devoir civique et la désapprobation. Pour ce faire, j’utilise les données d’un module de questions original administré dans l’Étude électorale autrichienne de 2019. Je m’intéresse dans le dernier article empirique au rôle de modération de la visibilité du comportement sur la désapprobation ; les gens devraient voter pour éviter la désapprobation des autres seulement s’ils pensent que les autres seront au courant de leur décision. Je mobilise pour ce chapitre les données d’un second module de questions original, administré cette fois dans l’Étude électorale canadienne de 2019. Résultats obtenus. Mes analyses confirment que la pression sociale pour aller voter est très présente dans la société. La pression sociale descriptive est plus fréquente que celle injonctive et ses effets sur la pression sociale sont plus stables. En fait, je trouve que la pression sociale injonctive influence la décision de voter dans la moitié des études. D’autre part, mes analyses montrent que la pression sociale est plus fréquente et plus forte lorsqu’elle provient de personnes plus proches dans notre réseau, comme la famille et le partenaire. Elle est également plus forte chez les personnes plus éduquées, plus riches, et plus âgées. Les personnes ayant un sens élevé du devoir civique rapportent également plus de pression sociale, mais ne semblent pas influencées par cette pression. Contrairement aux attentes théoriques, je ne trouve pas d’effet de modération de la visibilité du comportement sur l’influence de la désapprobation. Enfin, je trouve également que la pression sociale varie surtout sur le plan la mesure. Conclusions. Cette thèse confirme le rôle crucial de la pression sociale comme déterminant de la participation électorale. Elle contribue à notre compréhension générale des normes sociales, et de leur influence spécifique sur la participation. Ceci est important, car la participation électorale est l’un des piliers caractérisant un système démocratique en bonne santé. Mieux comprendre le mécanisme de pression sociale contribuera au développement d’outils de mobilisation efficaces, éthiques et non partisans pour pallier au déclin de la participation électorale au Canada et ailleurs dans le monde. Cette thèse a également des conséquences méthodologiques importantes pour la mesure de la pression sociale et avance de nouvelles théories pour comprendre la participation électorale et l’influence de la pression sociale. En somme, cette thèse pose de bases solides pour de futures recherches sur la pression sociale pour aller voter. / Background. This dissertation examines how social pressure — stemming from the social norm that voting is a civic duty — influences the decision to vote or not. Research on electoral participation is largely dominated by a view of the voter as an individual and a rational actor. Hence, too little attention has been paid specifically to the role of the social circle as a vector of social pressure. Moreover, a large body of literature in social psychology demonstrates the powerful influence of social norms and the social pressure they generate on behaviour. In political science, experimental studies associated with the Get-Out-The-Vote (GOTV) project have demonstrated the causal effect of social pressure on voter turnout. However, these studies do not help us to understand how social pressure is exerted in everyday life, to determine its frequency and intensity, or who exerts it and who receives it. Recent observational studies have sought to answer these questions and offer some initial answers. This thesis is part of this emerging literature, with the objectives of measuring, describing and understanding the social pressure to vote and its influence on electoral participation outside an experimental context. Research questions. I am seeking to answer four fundamental questions about the social pressure to vote: 1) How much? How many people report social pressure to vote, and how much pressure do they report? 2) Who? Who exerts social pressure to vote, and who experiences it? 3) How? How does the social pressure to vote mechanism work? How does it influence the decision to vote or not? 4) What effects? What are the effects of social pressure on voter turnout, and how do these effects vary? Methodology. The dissertation is divided into three empirical chapters in the form of scientific articles. In the first empirical chapter, I present a descriptive and comparative portrait of social pressure based on data from 65 electoral studies in 11 countries, totalling about 287,000 respondents and more than 872,000 measures of social pressure. In the other two empirical chapters, I focus on the role and influence of abstention disapproval expectations on electoral participation. In the second empirical chapter, I seek to understand the determinants of disapproval expectations and the intersection between civic duty and disapproval. To do so, I use data from an original question module administered in the 2019 Austrian Election Study. In the last empirical paper, I focus on the moderating role of behaviour visibility on disapproval; people should vote to avoid disapproval only if they believe that others will be aware of their decision to vote or not. For this chapter, I mobilize data from another original question module, this time administered in the 2019 Canadian Election Study. Results. My analyses confirm that social pressure to vote is quite prevalent in society. Descriptive social pressure is more frequent than injunctive pressure, and its effects on social pressure are more stable. In fact, I find that injunctive social pressure influences the decision to vote in about half the studies. My analyses also show that social pressure is more frequent and stronger from relationships in our social circle, such as family or the partner. Social pressure is stronger among people who are better educated, wealthier and older. Although people with a strong sense of civic duty also report more social pressure, they do not seem to be influenced by it. I find no moderating effect of behavioural visibility on the influence of disapproval contrary to theoretical expectations. At last, I also find that most of the variance in social pressure occurs at the measurement level. Conclusions. This dissertation confirms the crucial role of social pressure as a determinant of electoral participation. It contributes to our general understanding of social norms and their specific influence on voter turnout. This is important because electoral participation is one of the pillars of a healthy democratic system. A better understanding of the social pressure mechanism will help to develop effective, ethical and non-partisan mobilization tools to counter the decline in electoral participation in Canada and the world. This dissertation also has important methodological implications for measuring social pressure and suggests new theories for understanding voter turnout and the influences of social pressure. In sum, this thesis dissertation offers a solid foundation for future research on social pressure to vote.