This research explores the various security and post-conflict complications that are in part a result of the global proliferation of small arms — including organized crime, rebellion, civil war, and fractionalization of the state. The paper 1) defines the issue, 2) contextualizes why the issue matters, and 3) evaluates the effectiveness of policies at the international level. I define the actors in the debate, defines the solutions at regional and international levels, and draw conclusions about the effectiveness of weapons collection, destruction, disarmament, tracing, import and export control, and associated legislation. I find that serious violence-reducing measures should include: increasing the role of local law enforcement organizations capable of carrying out meaningful and region-specific legislation, tightening border controls, uniform implementation of the International Tracing Instrument, and effectively disarming and integrating former opposition groups in post-conflict societies.

Peace education is one of the most all-encompassing methods of conflict transformation and social change. European Union has embarked on involving school children at primary and secondary level, both formal and informal education, in peace and disarmament education. The study examined the significance of disarmament education in European Union countries ' with special reference to small arms and lessons for African countries. The study areas were Norway and South Africa. Factors such as development, resources, and curricular are the prominent issues of disarmament education that distinguish EU and Africa. Where the former (EU) have all these in abundance, the latter (Africa) unfortunately lacks. African countries' political strategies should include peace and disarmament education in order to have a stable continent. The concept of ubuntu in Africa serves as a shining star of peace and disarmament education to be in place. / Thesis (M.A.) North-West University, Mafikeng Campus, 2004

An attempt to bring together a set of conceptual and theoretical issues related to the programming of the Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration Process for child soldiers in Sierra Leone. By questioning if the programmes have considered cultural and contextual specificities, this is a qualitative case study based in the text analysis of secondary data from a number of different researchers and practitioners from the field. The latter will be done by correlating conceptual and theoretical dilemmas based in the definition of child soldiers and their navigational skills, and will be analyzed under four topics chosen to present the cultural and contextual specificities of this case. Conclusions and recommendations will leave in evidence the fact that in the case of Sierra Leone, the DDR programme for children did not prioritize a cross- cultural approach and deliberately ignored navigational skills from former child soldiers, it delegitimized local initiatives for reintegration, failed in promoting a gender-sensitive component in the programme, and demonstrates a lack of cooperation between humanitarian and development agencies, which have been insistently westernized. The case of Sierra Leone is an interesting experience from which much can be learned, but mostly because it highlights the fact that each case is different and the urgency of considering the improvement of aid in a more individualized perspective.

Thesis (M.S.)--School of Advanced Air and Space Studies, 2008. / "June 2008." Vita. Includes bibliographical references (l. 71-82). Also available via the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Pennsylvania, 1938. / Bibliography: p. 196-199.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1967. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1929. / Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record.

Ford Foundation. Energy Research and Development Administration.

No description available.

Year in year out, hundreds of diplomats and civil society representatives partake in a seemingly endless stream of meetings on nuclear disarmament. These meetings seldom produce materially significant agreements. In fact, no nuclear warhead has ever been dismantled as a direct result of multilateral negotiations. And yet the web of institutions that make up the 'multilateral nuclear disarmament framework' continues to expand. Why? In this thesis, I identify three waves of institutional expansion in the multilateral nuclear disarmament framework (1975-1978; 1991-1999; 2013-2017), linking them to crises of legitimacy in the nuclear order. Institutional expansion, I argue, has been driven by 'struggles for recognition' by non-nuclear powers loath to accept permanent legal subordination. Institutional contestation has allowed non-nuclear powers to exercise symbolic resistance to the frozen nuclear hierarchy enshrined by the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and its distinction between nuclear 'haves' and 'have-nots'. But the relegitimising function of institutional contestation reveals an irony: By solving recurrent crises of legitimacy in the nuclear order, the expansion of the disarmament framework has served to stabilise nuclear inequality in the long term. However, the 2017 adoption of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) may signal an end to this cyclical pattern of de- and relegitimisation. After half a century of contestation within the hierarchical NPT framework, the TPNW represents a legal negation of nuclear hierarchy as such.