于一个国家而言，民众抗争不仅是一个政府治理和治安问题，也是一个战略沟通问题。本研究即选取社会沟通的视角研究当代中国的社会抗争，旨在了解当代中国逐渐开放的抗争话语的演变、产生条件及其深刻意义。 / 于定量与定性相结合的研究方法，本文分析了1990至2010年间中国政治社会精英关于民众抗争的话语。研究发现在抗争数量和规模不断增长的同时，抗争的话语环境发生了显著变化并向日趋宽松的方向发展。中国的政治领导人正逐步正视民众抗争，官方话语也开始同情抗争者。从对抗争的报道来看，以往严密的媒体审查制度逐渐放宽，重大事件的详细报道得以频见于报端。与此同时，越来越多的人士加入到抗争的公开讨论中，社会抗争成为激烈的社会争论的焦点。 / 于以上分析，本文认为政治领导人的话语转变可以被理解为执政当局在一党执政和官民矛盾日益激化的特定条件下为促进政策实施和维持政权合法性而采取的手段，知识分子越来越直言不讳地提出批评意见则源于“话语机会结构的扩展。结合这些见解与已有文献表明，当代中国公民抗争和公共话语似乎彼此促进，形成了一个自我强化的循环。 / 研究意义而言，本研究首先探讨了“话语机会这一概念的价值及其局限性，继而指出民众抗争，精英话语和政权演变之间存在重要的联系。本文发现，只要能够触动社会精英阶层并激起他们的回应，即使是非持续性的，非跨区域性的公民抗争也会带来抗争政治参与空间隐性但却显著的扩展，以及政治话语实践的转变。因此，虽然抗争者没有直接挑战共产党政权，但他们的行动已经从某种程度上促进了中国的政权演变。 / For the state, popular protest is not merely a problem of governance and policing, but also an issue of strategic communication. Investigating protest in contemporary China from a communicative and elite-centered perspective, this dissertation shows that in parallel to the constantly growing number and scale of protests, the communicative environment of citizen resistance over the last two decades was significantly transformed and liberalized. Based on a mixed quantitative and qualitative analysis of political discourse between 1990 and 2010, the study seeks to understand the evolution, conditions, and significance of this widening discursive opening. / The research reveals that the Chinese political leadership gradually addressed the problem of popular protest in the open and shifted its discourse towards more protester-sympathizing assessments. Moreover, tight censorship was gradually lifted and detailed accounts of major protest events emerged in the news media. In parallel to these developments, the topic became accessible to a growing circle of speakers and eventually emerged at the center of a lively and increasingly critical public debate. / Based on this assessment, the present study argues that the political leadership’s discourse can be rendered intelligible as a policy endeavor and a regime-legitimating instrument under the particular conditions of one-party rule and rising citizen-cadre conflict. Moreover, the increasingly outspoken critique from intellectuals can be explained when the opening of the discursive opportunity structure is taken into account. Combining these insights with the available literature suggests that grassroots activism and elite discourse in China may be interlocked into a self-reinforcing cycle. / This research points to both the value and the limitations of the discursive opportunity approach. Moreover, the study also reveals important links between popular protest, elite discourse, and the dynamics of regime evolution. By provoking reactions from the elites, even the persistently episodic and localized forms of citizen resistance have led to an implicit, but still substantial expansion of space for contentious political participation and a modification of discursive political practices. Thus, even though most Chinese protesters may not have challenged the regime head-on, their activism has contributed to an ongoing evolution of the political order. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Steinhardt, Heinz Christoph. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 248-271). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract also in Chinese. / Abstract --- p.ii / Table of contents --- p.v / Acknowledgements --- p.viii / Tables, figures, and appendices --- p.xi / Abbreviations --- p.xiii / Newspapers, magazines, news agencies, television channels, and online portals cited --- p.xiv / Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 / The objective and contribution of this research --- p.4 / A preview of the argument --- p.7 / Conceptual underpinnings --- p.10 / Data and methodology --- p.24 / Chapter description --- p.32 / Chapter 2 --- Background: historical legacies and post-Tiananmen protest --- p.34 / History: official misconduct and the right to resist --- p.34 / Popular protest after 1989: not regime-challenging but increasingly threatening --- p.47 / Conclusion --- p.60 / Chapter 3 --- The central Party leadership: public and internal communication --- p.61 / The appearance and disappearance of key terms over time --- p.62 / From reluctant acknowledgment to open problematization --- p.69 / Conclusion --- p.115 / Chapter 4 --- The news media versus local authorities: protest events and a transforming flow of information --- p.119 / A transforming flow of information and the Chinese state --- p.123 / The emergence of protest events in the news media --- p.130 / Conclusion --- p.159 / Chapter 5 --- The intellectuals: the emergence of critical non-activists --- p.161 / The discursive setting --- p.163 / Tracing intellectuals’ discourse --- p.169 / Conclusion --- p.194 / Chapter 6 --- The driving forces and significance of a widening discursive opening --- p.197 / The dynamics of discursive change --- p.197 / Protest discourse and the practices of protesting and protest policing --- p.221 / Concluding remarks --- p.229 / Appendices --- p.237 / Bibliography --- p.248

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: China‘s rise as an economic superpower has had important consequences for its relations with African countries over the past 10-15 years. Not only were these relations thoroughly reviewed and significantly increased, but China also adopted a new cooperation policy that its administration describes as being based on mutual benefits and win-win economic collaboration. However, there is a sceptical public opinion in Africa and also in some developed countries about China‘s current engagement with African countries, and in particular with countries from the sub-Saharan region. In fact, China is frequently accused of acting as a new colonizing power and of increasing its relations with African countries simply as a strategy to achieve higher power-politics status and to structure a new global economic order. The present study addresses the question of whether China‘s official discourse about its relations with sub-Saharan African countries from 2000 to 2010 contains any grounds for the sceptical public opinion mentioned above. In more concrete terms, the main objective of the study is to determine from a linguistic perspective, and more specifically from a critical discourse analysis point of view, whether there are any overt or covert messages of power and ideology in China‘s discourse to sub-Saharan African countries which could justify the sceptical public opinion about China‘s current engagement in this part of the continent . The texts representing China‘s discourse about its relations with sub-Saharan African countries that are examined for this study comprise official speeches, statements, and other related official documents delivered by Chinese officials in the period 2000-2010, and published in English on the websites of various institutions, including China‘s official websites. These texts are examined from within the framework of the Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA) as set out by, specifically, Wodak (2001a). The texts are analysed using the DHA three-dimensional procedure consisting of (i) identifying the Content(s) and Topic(s) of the specific discourse, (ii) investigating the discursive strategies used in the specific texts, and (iii) analysing the linguistic means and the specific context-dependent linguistic realizations. On the one hand, the analysis of the Discourse Topics indicates that the relations between China and sub-Saharan African countries are grounded in China‘s pluralist approach to international affairs. From this perspective, then, it could be argued that China‘s current engagement in sub-Saharan Africa does not warrant the sceptical public opinion mentioned earlier. On the other hand, however, the analysis of the discursive strategies used to represent China and sub-Saharan African countries, indicates that such sceptisism is likely warranted. The relations between China and African countries have predominantly been investigated from economic and political perspectives. However, the manner in which these relations are expressed, implied, negotiated, interpreted, distributed, etc. in discourse has not yet received any systematic attention. The present study was therefore undertaken to contribute, from a linguistic perspective, to the knowledge of and the debate about China‘s current engagement in Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: China se opgang as ‘n ekonomiese supermoondheid het belangrike gevolge gehad vir sy betrekkinge met Afrikalande oor die afgelope 10-15 jaar. China het hierdie betrekkinge deeglik hersien en beduidend uitgebrei, en het daarby ook ‘n nuwe samewerkingsbeleid aanvaar wat volgens sy administrasie gegrond is op wedersydse voordele en wen-wen ekonomiese samewerking. Daar is nietemin ‘n skeptiese openbare mening in Afrika en ook in sommige ontwikkelde lande oor China se huidige verbintenis met Afrikalande, en in die besonder met lande van die sub-Sahara streek. Trouens, China word gereeld daarvan beskuldig dat hy optree soos ‘n nuwe koloniale moondheid, en dat sy verhoogde betrekkinge met Afrikalande bloot ‘n strategie is om groter magspolitieke status te bekom en om ‘n nuwe globale ekonomiese struktuur daar te stel. Die huidige studie fokus op die vraag of China se amptelike diskoers oor sy betrekkinge met sub-Sahara Afrikalande vanaf 2000 tot 2010 enige gronde bied vir die genoemde skeptiese openbare mening. In meer konkrete terme, is die hoofoogmerk van die studie om vanuit ‘n taalwetenskaplike perspektief, en meer spesifiek vanuit die oogpunt van kritiese diskoersanalise, vas te stel of China se diskoers met sub-Sahara Afrika enige overte of koverte boodskappe van mag en ideologie bevat wat kan dien as regverdiging vir die skeptiese openbare mening oor China se huidige betrokkenheid in hierdie deel van die kontinent. In die studie word ‘n verskeidenheid tekste ontleed wat verteenwoordigend is van China se diskoers oor sy betrekkinge met sub-Sahara Afrikalande. Dié tekste sluit amptelike toesprake, verklarings en verwante dokumente van Chinese amptenare in wat gelewer is in die tydperk 2000-2010, en wat in Engels gepubliseer is op die webwerwe van verskeie instellings, insluitend China se amptelike webwerwe. Die tekste word ondersoek binne die raamwerk van die Diskoers-Historiese Benadering (DHB) soos uiteengesit in, spesifiek, Wodak (2001a). Die analise van die tekste volg die DHB se drie-dimensionele prosedure, wat die volgende inhou: (i) identifisering van die Inhoud(e) en Onderwerp(e) van die spesifieke diskoers, (ii) analise van die diskursiewe strategieë wat gebruik word in die spesifieke tekste, en (iii) analise van die talige middele en die spesifieke konteks-afhanklike talige realiserings. Aan die een kant dui die analise van die Diskoers Onderwerpe daarop dat die betrekkinge tussen China en sub-Sahara Afrikalande gebaseer is op China se pluralistiese benadering tot internasionale sake. Vanuit hierdie perspektief kan daar dus geargumenteer word dat China se huidige betrokkenheid in sub-Sahara Afrika nie gronde bied vir die skeptiese openbare mening wat hierbo genoem is nie. Aan die ander kant, egter, dui die analise van die diskursiewe strategieë wat aangewend word in die voorstelling van China en sub-Sahara Afrikalande daarop dat daar waarskynlik wel gronde is vir sulke skeptisisme. Die betrekkinge tussen China en Afrikalande is tot dusver merendeels vanuit ekonomiese en politieke perspektiewe ondersoek. Die wyse waarop sulke betrekkinge uitgedruk, geïmpliseer, onderhandel, geïnterpreteer, versprei, ens. word in diskoers, is egter nog nie sistematies ondersoek nie. Die huidige studie is gevolglik onderneem om, vanuit ‘n taalwetenskaplike perspektief, ‘n bydrae te lewer tot die kennis van en die debat oor China se huidige betrokkenheid in Afrika.

In-depth analysis of genre-texts of political articles in newspapers. / In-depth analysis of genre-texts of political articles in newspapers. / Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The purpose of this study is to do an in-depth analysis of genre-texts of political articles in newspapers. The genre theoretical approach is employed as framework for analysing the linguistic, rhetorical and discourse properties of isiZulu texts, giving a demonstration of a more general theory of genre analysis in writing, advanced by different writers. The genrebased approach to literacy and language teachingwas explored. A general overview was given of genre in folklore, genre in linguistics, genre in rhetoric and general description of genres was provided. The parameters of writing, that is the "who writes, what, to whom, where, when, why and how", were utilised in each text under investigation. These parameters were used to assess the communicative writing competence of the author of each text. Aspects of the text analysis such as information structuring, topic structuring, coherence and cohesion, cognitive move structure and structural description have been employed. This study presents the findings of the analysis of the lIanga newspaper texts by describing the critical analysis of textlinguistic aspects through the examination of genre text and outcomes-based language teaching in Curriculum 2005. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie studie is om 'n in-diepte analise te maak van genre tekste van koerantartikels in isiZulu wat handeloor politieke aangeleenthede. Die genre-teoretiese benadering is gebruik as raamwerk vir die analise van die taalkundige, retoriese en diskoerseienskappe van isiZulu tekste, en te demonstreer hoe, vir die doeleindes van teksanalise, 'n meer algemene teorie van genre analise in skryfwerk gebruik kan word. Die genre-benadering tot geletterdheid en taalonderrig is eerstens ondersoek. 'n Algemene oorsig is gegee van genre in folklore, genre in die taalkunde, genre in retoriek en 'n beskrywing van die kenmerke van genres is gedoen. Die parameters van skryf, naamlik wie skryf wat aan wie, waar, waarom, en hoe, is gebruik om elke koerantartikel te ondersoek. Hierdie parameters is aangewend om die kommunikatiewe skryfvaardigheid van die skrywer van elke teks te assesseer. Aspekte van teksanalise, naamlik inligtingstrukturering, onderwerpstrukturering, koherensie en kohesie, kognitiewe skuifstruktuur en strukturele beskrywing is aangewend in die analise van die tekste. Die studie bied die bevindinge van die analise van die lIanga koerantartikels in isiZulu deur die kritiese analise te beskryf van tekslinguistiese aspekte met verwysing na genre-tekste en uitkoms-gebaseerde taalonderrig in Kurrikulum 2005.

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences. / Department of Government and Public Administration

This study reviewed how networks, entrepreneurs and narratives were intertwined in keeping a policy process moving and preventing it from stagnating. By applying Roe's narrative analysis theory (as developed in Narrative Policy Analysis - 1994), along with Kingdon's theory of entrepreneurs (as developed in Agendas, Alternatives and Public Policies - 1995) and Kickert's explanations of networks (as developed in Managing Complex Networks - 1997) the study attempted to uncover how a complex policy issue is managed by the stakeholders involved. The Children's Bill was the case study used to show the usefulness of these three theories in understanding the intricate engagements and relations of participation around a complex policy. By applying qualitative data collection and analysis techniques, the case study illustrated how a complex policy is able to move through the policy and legislative processes despite the conflict and difficulties encountered. The dominant narratives were identified, the narrative of the Working Group (WG) (to hold the Bill over to the next parliament and to include a National Policy Framework), and the counternarrative of the Department of Social Welfare and Development (to fast track the Bill through parliament and to make excisions), as were the non-stories (on issues of poverty). The research also identifies the policy entrepreneurs (the WG secretariat and in particular the Children's Institute and Paula Proudlock) and the networks in which they operated. This information provided the basis to identify the meta-narrative to hold the Bill over to the next parliament for further deliberations on the excisions that had been made, which allowed the Children's Bill process to continue. Some recommendations for further evaluation and research into this policy process are noted. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu- Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2006.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: There is more to language than just its formal structural properties and, similarly, more to language function than just its communicative and naming function. Language does not exist independent of society. As a part of society, it is used in a diversity of functions: it influences thought processes, constitutes what people perceive as reality, and produces, reproduces and denies prejudices. It is in pursuit of its ideological function that language plays a significant role in the establishment and maintenance of systematically asymmetrical power relations. This study focuses on the role that language plays in efforts to position the African National Congress (ANC) as more fit to govern than other political parties in South Africa. Adopting a qualitative research strategy, the study provides an analysis of the discourse that is constructed in the ANC’s 1999, 2004 and 2009 national election manifestos. The analysis is presented within the framework of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and is performed in terms of linguistic devices, techniques and strategies such as genre and its sequential structure, pronouns, contrasting expressions, intertextuality, grounding and elision, statistics and numerical figures, and discourse. It is demonstrated that the three election manifestos are situated within a specific socio-economic and political context defined by poverty, unemployment and inequality, which are rooted in the South African history of colonialism and race-based capitalism. The texts draw from resources of the genre of manifesto and show common structural features. It is shown that ambiguous pronouns are used to build up affinities between the ANC and the reader/listener with respect to the achievements of the ANC-led government, what work still needs to be done, and to position the ANC’s vision as one that is generally shared by the people. Contrasting expressions are used to disparage the apartheid system and to extol the post-1994 democratic system. In all three texts the ANC is foregrounded as the organization which not only brought freedom to South Africa, but which in fact led the struggle for freedom and change. At the same time, there is an omission of other political organizations and the role they played in this struggle. It is also demonstrated that the three texts constituted by elements of other texts such as the Freedom Charter (1955), the Reconstruction and Development Programme (1994) and the Constitution (1996) use statistics and figures to bestow the ANC with a systematic and scientific gravitas. Lastly, the three manifestos reflect a discourse of “complete” or “total” freedom, which is inclusive of the social, economic and political aspects of the reality of South Africans’ lives. It is argued that these linguistic devices, techniques and strategies are used in the 1999, 2004 and 2009 national election manifestos to position the ANC as more fit to govern South Africa than other political parties. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Taal behels meer as net formele strukturele eienskappe, en die funksies van taal behels eweneens meer as net benaming en kommunikasie. Taal bestaan nie onafhanklik van die gemeenskap nie. As ’n deel van die gemeenskap, word taal in ’n verskeidenheid funksies gebruik: dit beïnvloed denkprosesse, bepaal wat mense beskou as die werklikheid, en dien om vooroordele te skep, te verhoog en te ontken. Dit is in die uitoefening van sy ideologiese funksie dat taal ’n beduidende rol speel in die vestiging en handhawing van sistematies asimmetriese magsverhoudings. Hierdie studie fokus op die rol wat taal speel in pogings om die African National Congress (ANC) te posisioneer as meer geskik om te regeer as ander politieke partye in Suid-Afrika. Met ’n kwalitatiewe navorsingstrategie as uitgangspunt, bied die studie ’n analise van die diskoers wat gekonstrueer word in die ANC se onderskeie manifeste vir die 1999, 2004 en 2009 nasionale verkiesings. Die analise word aangebied binne die raamwerk van Kritiese Diskoersanalise (“Critical Discourse Analysis”) en word uitgevoer in terme van taalkundige meganismes, tegnieke en strategieë soos genre and sy sekwensiële struktuur, voornaamwoorde, teenstellende uitdrukkings, intertekstualiteit, opstelling en weglating (“grounding and elision”), statistieke en getalle, en diskoers. Daar word aangetoon dat die drie verkiesingsmanifeste ingebed is in ’n spesifieke sosio-ekonomiese en politieke konteks van armoede, werkloosheid en ongelykheid, wat gegrond is in die Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis van kolonialisme en rasgebaseerde kapitalisme. Die tekste benut die middele van die manifes-genre en vertoon gemeenskaplike strukturele kenmerke. Daar word aangetoon hoe dubbelsinnige voornaam-woorde gebruik word om ’n affiniteit tussen die ANC en die leser/hoorder tot stand te bring ten opsigte van die ANC-regering se prestasies, die werk wat nog gedoen moet word, en ook om die ANC se visie voor te hou as een wat algemeen deur die mense gedeel word. Teenstellende uitdrukkings word gebruik om die apartheidstelsel te verdoem en die post-1994 demokratiese stelsel op te hemel. In al drie tekste word die ANC vooropgestel as die organisasie wat nie net vryheid na Suid-Afrika gebring het nie, maar wat in feite die stryd om vryheid en verandering gelei het. Terselfdertyd word geen melding gemaak van ander politieke organisasies en die rol wat hulle in dié stryd gespeel het nie. Daar word ook aangetoon dat die drie tekste wat verskeie elemente insluit van ander tekste soos die Freedom Charter (1955), die Heropbou- en Ontwikkelingsprogram (“Reconstruction and Development Programme”, 1994) en die Grondwet (1996) gebruik maak van statistieke en getalle om die ANC te bedeel met ’n sistematiese en wetenskaplike gravitas. Die drie manifeste vertoon, laastens, ’n diskoers van “totale” of “volledige” vryheid, wat die sosiale, ekonomiese en politieke aspekte van die werklikheid van Suid-Afrikaners se lewens omvat Daar word geargumenteer dat dié taalkundige meganismes, tegnieke en strategieë in die 1999, 2004 en 2009 verkiesingsmanifeste gebruik word om die ANC te posisioneer as meer geskik om te regeer as ander politieke partye.

This study examines politics disadvantages used in competitive policy debate. Specifically, this research examines politics disadvantages for their role and relevance in deliberation, an important form of political communication. Deliberation is the means by which citizens can engage in discussions of salient policy issues, and make political judgments about policies. This study developed a grounded theory about the type of deliberation manifest in politics disadvantages. Pre-constructed politics disadvantages from websites such as PlanetDebate.com, Cross-X.com, as well as from summer policy debate workshops were analyzed to develop a grounded theory. Through the process of coding and theoretical memoing, categories of political communication emerged from the disadvantage shells. The theory indicated that politics disadvantages develop an acontextual, narrowly adversarial view of deliberation. This theory was juxtaposed against already established theories of deliberation to reveal that politics disadvantages show serious deficiencies in the ways in which deliberation is taught to policy debaters.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-05-07T13:00:59Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Rudney Soares de Souza.pdf: 8430520 bytes, checksum: 380bcf89ef97e763a9801012da6783f3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-07T13:00:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rudney Soares de Souza.pdf: 8430520 bytes, checksum: 380bcf89ef97e763a9801012da6783f3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-16 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / Fundação São Paulo - FUNDASP / This thesis is part of the theoretical-methodological principles of Discourse Analysis and its aim is to examine the strength of discursive ethos, charisma and media power in the construction of the Brazilian political subject in the HGPE, Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral, ((Free) political advertising time), in the second round of the 2014 presidential elections. The specific objectives are: to verify the strategy and the discursive mechanisms used in the discourses of the political enunciator that seeks legitimation; to understand and explain the argumentative strength of the discursive ethos, the charism and the media in the organization and functioning of political discourse; to identify the discursive formations that cross different discourses of electoral campaigns and their relations with the interparty competitions that show the politician through the confrontation of their imaginary relations with their real conditions of existence. In order to base our analysis, we use the papers of Maingueneau (1995, 1996, 1997, 2004, 2006, 2007, 2008a, 2008b, 2008c, 2010a, 2010b, 2015) and Charaudeau (1996, 1999, 2000, 2006a, 2006b; 2008b; 2009; 2012; 2016). Given the interdisciplinary nature of the perspectives they address, it is possible to dialogue with Weber (1999), Bourdieu (1989), Foucault (2003, 2014), Bobbio (2015), among others. The topic is relevant, since it deals with the functioning of the mediatized political discourse in Brazilian territory and shifts studies on politics to interdiscursivity, recovering the socio-historical conditions of discourses of a fierce presidential election. The candidates Aécio Neves (PSDB) and Dilma Rousseff (PT) carried out electoral programs that projected, in the social imaginary, a divided society. Our hypothesis is that the mediatized political discourse in the HGPE projects a discursive identity of the enunciator, in other words, a discursive ethos that aims to legitimize it as a charismatic subject. We want to affirm that the charism emphasizes the positioning of the discursive ethos, since in him and by him we see the political subject validating themselves as the best. In this perspective, the concepts of subjective charisma and objective charisma, when entering the scenographies, locate the political enunciator between the symbolic logic and the pragmatic logic to reach the adhesion of the co-enunciator. In order to achieve the objectives we have proposed, we have constituted a corpus composed of twelve electoral programs broadcast in the HGPE, six by Aécio Neves and six by Dilma Rousseff. The analyzes revealed that the political subject, in showing their discursive ethos of a brazilian politician, oscillates between the symbolic logic and the pragmatic logic to reach their goals of adhesion and seduction and, thus, to validate, discursively, their figure of power that is projected on the television screen / Esta tese insere-se nos princípios teórico-metodológicos da Análise do Discurso e tem por objetivo geral examinar a força do ethos discursivo, do carisma e do poder da mídia na construção do sujeito político brasileiro no HGPE - Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral -, no segundo turno das eleições presidenciais de 2014. Os objetivos específicos são: verificar as estratégias e os mecanismos discursivos utilizados nos discursos do enunciador político que busca legitimação; entender e explicar a força argumentativa do ethos discursivo, do carisma e da mídia na organização e no funcionamento do discurso político; identificar as formações discursivas que atravessam diferentes discursos de campanhas eleitorais e suas relações com as competições interpartidárias que evidenciam o político por meio do confronto de suas relações imaginárias com as suas condições reais de existência. Para fundamentar nossas análises, utilizamos os trabalhos de Maingueneau (1995; 1996; 1997; 2004; 2006; 2007; 2008a; 2008b; 2008c; 2010a; 2010b; 2015) e Charaudeau (1996; 1999; 2000; 2006a; 2006b; 2008a; 2008b; 2009; 2012; 2016). Dado o caráter interdisciplinar das perspectivas que abordam, permitem o diálogo com Weber (1999), Bourdieu (1989), Foucault (2003; 2014), Bobbio (2015), entre outros. O tema mostra-se relevante, pois trata do funcionamento do discurso político midiatizado em território brasileiro e desloca os estudos sobre política para a interdiscursividade, recuperando as condições sócio-históricas de discursos de uma eleição presidencial acirrada. Os candidatos Aécio Neves (PSDB) e Dilma Rousseff (PT) protagonizaram programas eleitorais que projetaram, no imaginário social, uma sociedade dividida. Nossa hipótese é que o discurso político midiatizado no HGPE projeta uma identidade discursiva do enunciador, ou seja, um ethos discursivo que visa a legitimá-lo como sujeito carismático. Queremos afirmar que o carisma enfatiza o posicionamento do ethos discursivo, na medida em que nele e por ele vemos o sujeito político validando-se como melhor. Nessa perspectiva, os conceitos de carisma subjetivo e carisma objetivo, ao adentrarem às cenografias, situam o enunciador político entre a lógica simbólica e a lógica pragmática para conquistar a adesão do co-enunciador. Para atingirmos os objetivos que propusemos, constituímos um corpus composto de doze programas eleitorais veiculados no HGPE, seis de Aécio Neves e seis de Dilma Rousseff. As análises revelaram que o sujeito político, ao mostrar seu ethos discursivo de político brasileiro, oscila entre a lógica simbólica e a lógica pragmática para atingir seus objetivos de adesão e de sedução e, assim, validar, discursivamente, sua figura de poder que é projetada na tela da televisão

In the last decade of apartheid (1985-1994), South African cartoonists demonstrated a range of responses to the political imperatives of the day. While some worked in support of the status quo, the cartoonists who are the subject of this study opposed it. Like practitioners in other areas of cultural activity during this period, oppositional cartoonists were passionately engaged with the political process and participated in the articulation and dissemination of discourses of resistance. This study situates South African cartooning both in the context of South African resistance discourse, and in the historical and discursive context of cartooning as a form of international popular culture. It presents an argument as to how cartooning should be defined and studied - as a cluster of signifying practices that produce a range of forms in a variety of media. In terms of this definition, anti-apartheid cartooning in South Africa is identified as a specific historical category, within which distinct streams of cartooning are identified. The study locates the various activities of South African cartooning within these streams, and examines the ideological and educational functions they performed during the 1985-1994 period. The study positions cartooning within the broad theoretical field of cultural and media studies, and examines some theoretical problems that are specific to the analysis of visual culture. A language of exposition appropriate to the study of cartooning is developed, borrowing terms from the sometimes widely variant traditions of art history, literary criticism and cultural studies. A methodology for the interpretation of symbolic forms is derived from the work of British cultural theorist, John B. Thompson (1990), whereby selected cartooning texts are subjected to a combination of textual interpretation, socio-historical analysis and discursive analysis, reinforced by insights derived from conversations with 15 selected South African cartoonists. Textual analysis of selected cartooning texts from the 1985-1994 period clearly demonstrates that oppositional cartoonists gave visual expression to discourses of resistance that existed in the anti-apartheid movement, and amongst the broader public, at that time. In so doing, they contributed to the disruption of the hegemony of the apartheid state, to the legitimation of the anti-apartheid struggle and to the provision of symbols and icons that ordinary South Africans were able to utilise in 'rethinking' their own lives in relation to the demands of a rapidly transforming society. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2004.

This thesis investigates the discourse patterns of Donald Trump, Marco Rubio, and Jeb Bush during the Republican primary campaign from August 2015 through January 2016. The goal of this study is to identify differences among the candidates’ discourse patterns, particularly those distinct to the discourse style of Donald Trump, on the basis of a newly compiled corpus from their respective debates and speeches. This corpus analysis reveals differences in terms of readability and lexical choice that distinguish the speech style of Donald Trump from Jeb Bush and Marco Rubio and identifies metaphors utilized by Donald Trump. Drawing heavily from the research of Charles Fillmore and George Lakoff, this study also illustrates the importance of metaphors and frames within political discourse, and the corpus analysis of Republican candidates during the 2016 election provides clear evidence that candidates use frames and metaphors to create a unique profile. / Includes bibliography. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2016. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection