State laws disenfranchising felons and ex-felons have existed in many American states since before the Civil War. However, in the aftermath of the Civil War, new, more severe restrictions were passed as part of the Jim Crowe Era laws aimed at preventing black citizens from exercising their new rights. While many of these laws were eventually stricken down by Supreme Court decisions, felon disenfranchisement provisions survived scrutiny. This opened the door for white backlash against the gains made by the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s and ‘70s to manifest itself via the development of the massive prison industrial system over the last 40 years. This paper’s inquiry is focused on the political consequences of the huge racial discrepancies in criminal justice outcomes in the United States, specifically on whether the disenfranchisement of felons and ex-felons depresses turnout among eligible black voters. I use an analysis of black voter turnout and its relationship to the severity of state disenfranchisement laws from 1980 through 2016 to explore three hypotheses related to these effects. The results suggest that, when all or most ex-felons are disenfranchised, the resulting dilution of the political efficacy and power of the communities into which they re-enter depresses turnout among eligible black voters in those communities. Additionally, I find evidence of significant depression in eligible black turnout in Southern states, suggesting the need for further investigation into the perpetuation of racial inequalities in specific geographic loci in the United States.

Universal suffrage is a guiding principle of democracy. However, it has a long history of being selectively denied. While many of these exclusions have dissipated in twentieth century rights revolutions’, the right to vote is still widely withheld for prisoners. This paper looks at criminal disenfranchisement, its origins, development, and contemporary manifestations. Part I will discuss the history of criminal disenfranchisement to trace its development from a tool of social exclusion to a collateral consequence of criminal conviction. Part II will look at the judicial treatment of contemporary disenfranchisement laws through a selection of representative case studies. Part III will consider how the representative cases form a trend towards criminal enfranchisement, and the implications of this trend for future constitutional challenges in jurisdictions where such laws persist. This paper argues that this trend, while tangible, is tentative and its force may be strengthened through a transnational judicial dialogue.

Universal suffrage is a guiding principle of democracy. However, it has a long history of being selectively denied. While many of these exclusions have dissipated in twentieth century rights revolutions’, the right to vote is still widely withheld for prisoners. This paper looks at criminal disenfranchisement, its origins, development, and contemporary manifestations. Part I will discuss the history of criminal disenfranchisement to trace its development from a tool of social exclusion to a collateral consequence of criminal conviction. Part II will look at the judicial treatment of contemporary disenfranchisement laws through a selection of representative case studies. Part III will consider how the representative cases form a trend towards criminal enfranchisement, and the implications of this trend for future constitutional challenges in jurisdictions where such laws persist. This paper argues that this trend, while tangible, is tentative and its force may be strengthened through a transnational judicial dialogue.

This paper seeks to understand the persistence of disenfranchisement policies and the disproportionate impact these policies have on marginalized groups of the American electorate, specifically black Americans. Felon disenfranchisement, or the restriction of voting rights for criminals convicted of felonies, has been a long-standing policy throughout the United States. Using public opinion data from the 2014 General Social Survey (GSS), this paper analyzes how certain characteristics, such as race, age, and political party identification, can influence opinions about democratic rights and whether criminals should lose theirs once convicted. The results of this analysis could help explain why disenfranchisement policies have persisted throughout U.S. history, especially if these policies have consistently high levels of support from the general public.

The purpose of this study has been to present different arguments regarding felony disenfranchisement. What was also investigated was if the practice could be compatible with Robert A. Dahl and his model of democracy. Finally, the findings were presented and what they meant. The material of the study consisted of texts produced in the purpose of arguing either for or against the practice. The content of these texts was presented through an argument analysis. They were presented fractionated by themes depending on what the argument was stating.  The results of the analysis were that there were some recurring arguments, both for and against the practice. Furthermore, it became obvious through analyzing the arguments that the model of democracy and its five criterias could not be compatible with the practice. Lastly, it could be stated that what it meant was that nothing regarding the practice of felony disenfranchisement could be compatible with Robert A. Dahl’s idea of democracy.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / There is a gap in our knowledge and understanding of perceptions of political activities, including the influence of education policies, by young adult Black males. There is a gap in our understanding of the formation of perceptions and attitudes. The purpose of this study is to gain a perspective of the perceptions of young adult Black male students regarding civic and political activism. By increasing our knowledge of Black students’ experiences and motivations, in relation to perception development, there could be lived experience-based pedagogy that encourages Black young adults to engage politically in a greater proportion. Additionally, such knowledge could provide insight toward being enabled to effectively react to perceived injustices and intolerant outcomes.

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The disenfranchisement of felons follows a long American tradition of selectively granting the most coveted democratic tradition - voting. As a collateral "civil" consequence to criminal conviction that is legally deemed as non-penal, felon voting prohibitions have been used as an exclusionary tool for certain otherwise eligible voting populations. Current research finds that African-Americans individually and collectively may experience diminished voting power due to felon voting laws (Uggen & Manza, 2002; Manza & Uggen, 2004; King & Mauer, 2004). The purpose of this research is to examine opinions toward felon voting prohibitions in a state that has one of the most restrictive laws in this area. Kentucky is the only state that absolutely restricts all convicted felons from voting and maintains the same voting rights restoration process regardless of offense type, whereas other similarly restrictive states have legally, though not practically, streamlined this process for some offenders. The sample consists of predominantly African-American college students that live and learn as students in Kentucky. It utilizes a modified version of the national survey instrument created by Manza, Brooks & Uggen (2004) - which measured attitudes toward felon enfranchisement based on variations of the correctional status of a convicted criminal and the crime committed by an individual. The data collection instrument was modified to include questions to examine respondent demographic characteristics and moderator variables that may impact opinions toward felon voting prohibitions. The analyses examine the interactions between socio-demographic characteristics, level of knowledge, attitudes towards rehabilitation, and opinions towards the restoration and retention of voting rights. The findings suggest that the majority of respondents favor restoration and retention, though subgroup differences among respondents and subcategory differences among the dependent variables, such as offense type and offender correctional status, determine the level and strength of support for felon voting rights. The implications of the findings are contextualized by examining the importance of voting in a democracy; the significance of examining the attitudes of young African-Americans; the impact of socialization on political opinions; and the effect of legal status and offense type on opinions towards felon voting rights.

Up until the mid 1860s, an overwhelming majority of blacks in the US South were held in chattel slavery, from which they were freed after a Civil War (1861-1865). A recurring argument in institutional economics is that the institution of slavery did not disappear, but took other forms, e.g. segregation and violence. This is explored here, looking at the unsettling level of lethal violence against the black population 1875-1930. Literature empirically testing the legacy of slavery is hitherto scarce. I use a generalized difference-in-differences model to look at the effect of separate coach laws and disenfranchisement laws on lynchings and executions, respectively. All estimations are separated between blacks and non-blacks. I find precise and negative effects of disenfranchisement on executions of blacks and precise and positive effects of separate coach laws on executions of blacks. The same pattern holds true for lynchings of blacks, but only the estimate for separate coach laws is precise. No estimates are precise for lethal violence against non-blacks. This study lends support to the idea that lethal violence was used as an instrument to control the African American population.

The Black Codes were laws set in place by various states-particularly those located in the South-to limit the political power and social influence of African-Americans in the U.S. These laws came into existence during Reconstruction and transformed into the Jim Crow Laws, ushering in a new form of discrimination that sought to subjugate the African-American people under the foot of white power. These laws were overturned by the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The intent of these legislative acts were to guarantee all individuals of voting age the right to participate in the political process of this nation and to affect change in the social fabric of society. In recent years, states have proposed laws that require identification before voting at the voting polls. These laws appear to affect minorities in a negative way, particularly those on a lower socio-economic scale. Are these laws being approved to prevent voter fraud... or are they being used to strip Africans in America of their right to vote? I examine the historical context of the Black Codes and look at the contemporary public policy of the United States through a Critical Race Theory (CRT) framework. I compare these two legislative traditions to identify similarities and continuities. To achieve these goals, I use historical documents, peer-reviewed journals, and other publications to explore this phenomenon, and from there, describe the probable ramifications that these policies will have for the African-American community. This project also evaluates a number of solutions proposed by black political figures to address these challenges, who have offered ways to empower the African-American community to combat the newly-reborn Black Codes. / African American Studies