The purpose of the study is to compare the dispute resolution systems of Uganda and South Africa. The historical developments of both systems were discussed so as to understand the factors that contributed to their growth or demise. From the study, it is clear to see that the Ugandan system’s development has been greatly affected with every regime change, between 1894 to the present. The developments that were tackled are closely related to various historical and political phases through which Uganda has passed and these significant periods are 1894- 1962 (pre-independence), 1962-1971 (Obote 1), 1971-1979 (Amin), 1980-1985 (Obote II), 1986- 2006 (NRM) and 2006 to the present Multi-party system. The South African system on the other hand is divided into four eras with the first one beginning from 1870 to 1948, the second era from 1948 to 1979, the third from 1979-1994 and the last era from 1994 to the present date. The South African system has been greatly influenced by the past government’s move to create a dual system of labour relations that was eventually removed. The two systems were compared using a framework created basing on literature by ILO (2013), Brand, Lotter, Mischke, & Steadman (1997) and Thompson (2010). The framework for comparison outlines the elements of a dispute resolution which include the nature of the dispute, coverage, processes, avenues and human resources. It further presents the criteria and possible indicators to evaluate the performance of the system which are legitimacy, efficiency, informality, affordability, accessibility, a full range of services, accountability and resources. The comparison highlighted the various differences between both countries. The study established differences in the nature of disputes as the Ugandan system does not differentiate between the different types of dispute unlike the South African system which differentiates them and has different avenues for their settlement, the fact that the South African system has a number of avenues to cater to the different types of disputes unlike the Ugandan system which only has one route beginning with the Labour officers and the Industrial court if unresolved. An evaluation of the performance of both systems brought to light the number of changes the Ugandan system has to undergo so as to meet the expectations of the International Labour Organisation and have an effective system. The South African system proves to be more legitimate, efficient, informal, affordable, and accessible than the Ugandan system. Further still the South African system provides a full range of services is more accountable and has enough resources when compared with the Ugandan system. Recommendations have been proposed at the end of the study, mainly for the Ugandan system as the South African system appears to be more advanced and more effective in dispute resolution by international standards. The recommendations suggested are creating an independent dispute resolution system, mass sensitisation on labour rights, accreditation of private agencies, create a separate dispute resolution system for the informal sector, proper routing of disputes, creation of an independent body to monitor the national system, encouraging the creation of more democratic workplaces, re-establish the industrial court and finally, employing and training more labour officers.

Thesis (M. A. (Sociology)) --University of Limpopo, 2017 / The purpose of this study was to explain the events surrounding the Marikana miners’ strike in 2012, using Marxism’s concept of class consciousness. The labour disputes witnessed at Marikana in 2012 represent one of the major labour movements that South Africa has witnessed since the inception of democracy. This study adopted qualitative research methods to inquire into the events of the Marikana 2012 labour disputes. Methods used in this study include qualitative research, descriptive research design, Marxism critical inquiry, purposive sampling and critical discourse analysis. Moreover, the study investigated employee relations in the mining sector. In addition, this study also examined the Marikana miner’s working and living conditions and probed the role of social control agencies, including, trade unions, bargaining councils and the police, during the protests. This study proposes a fair distribution of wealth in the mining sector and the removal of the Migrant Labour System. Additionally, this study recommends transparency in the mining sector, the transformation of the education system and the restructuring of trade unions. / University of Limpopo Research Office

The metalinguistic approach to conceptual engineering construes disputes between (what I shall call) linguistic reformers and linguistic conservatives as metalinguistic disagreements on how best to use particular expressions. As the present paper argues, this approach has various merits. However, it was recently criticised in Cappelen’s seminal Fixing Language (2018). Cappelen raises an important objection against the metalinguistic picture. According to this objection – the Babel objection, as I shall call it – the metalinguistic account cannot accommodate the intuition of disagreement between linguistic conservatives and reformers who are speaking different languages. The objection generalises to metalinguistic approaches to e.g. moral disagreements. This paper discusses the Babel objection and shows how to dispel it.

International boundaries inherited from colonialism have given room to territorial disputes and the existing boundary conflicts in the West African Region, and are an endemic feature of Nigeria's relations with her immediate neighbours. The thesis examines the 18 border disputes that Nigeria has been involved in since independence. The thesis begins by setting the scene in terms understanding Nigeria's foreign policy principles and objectives since independence and, in particular, its policy towards border disputes across the continent of Africa such as the Congo/Katanga, Uganda/Tanzania, Ethiopia/Somalia and Morocco/Algeria (chapter 2). The thesis then moves on to consider the underlying problems that have faced Nigeria as regards its borders as a result of colonisation (chapter 3). As the history is traced of the stages in the definition of Nigeria's boundaries, it becomes apparent that many border issues were unresolved or that decisions were made that were likely to be contested in the future. In chapter 4 the thesis turns to a detailed examination of the border disputes that have arisen in the last 43 years of independence between Nigeria and her close neighbours, Benin, Chad, Equatorial Guinea, Cameroon and Niger. Chapter 5 analyses the data provided. It finds that the way the dispute was handled was closely related to the regime type. Under the liberal democratic regimes of Balewa, Shagari, Obasanjo II, disputes were largely dealt with by diplomacy and negotiation. Whereas under the autocratic regimes of military leaders such as Generals Ironsi, Gowen, Muhammed, Obasanjo, Buhari, Babangida, Abacha's and Abubaker's the disputes brought a response of a threat of force or aggressive use of force. It concludes that liberal democracy profoundly affects how border disputes are handled and is a force for peace and stability.

published_or_final_version / Business Administration / Master / Master of Business Administration

published_or_final_version / Business Administration / Master / Master of Business Administration

published_or_final_version / Business Administration / Master / Master of Business Administration

Since the end of the Korean War tensions have continued on the Korean peninsula. This research focuses on the role of coercive persuasion employed by the United States when North Korea provoked several crises from the late 1960 to the early 1990s.  The case studies include the USS <i>Pueblo</i> incident in 1968, the EC-121 incident in 1969, the axe-murder incident in 1976, and the North Korean nuclear inspection crisis in 1993-94.  In addition to examining crisis negotiations, each case introduces an overview of the changing environment surrounding the Korean peninsula, and analyses North Korea’s motives and intentions in causing crises during that given period. In the theoretical debate on international relations, this study introduces two distinct theories about the explanation of state behaviour.   On the one hand, realists predict that states seek security and survival as the most important objective of their national interests when they are faced with outside threats.  Culturalists meanwhile seek to explain states’ behavioural patterns as distinct and different from state to state due to their unique strategic cultures, which are deeply rooted in historical experience, national self-image, and unique ideology.  Overall, the North Korean responses in the several crises under investigation could be best explained by a combination of these two theories, but this study aims at evaluating the persuasiveness of the two theories in the chosen case histories of US-North Korean relations. To assess the cases more thoroughly with historical evidences, this study draws on primary source materials.  It relies substantially on declassified US government documents, although it also examines South Korean and North Korean materials in order to offer a balanced and objective account of the crises.

This thesis explores the arguments and evidence for reform of commercial property leases through legislative intervention. It identifies and explains the causes of landlord and tenant disputes arising mainly from poorly drafted commercial leases. It investigates the relevant codes for leasing business premises, the Law Society business lease, the regulatory reform of part II of the 1954 Act, the British Property Federation lease, and various other attempts at reform of commercial property leases. This research also investigates the potential need for ethnic minorities in commercial property to have the key legal terms of commercial property leases made available in both English and other languages. There is little previous academic research on reform of commercial property leases through legislative intervention (other than Crosby Reading reports). This research aims to contributute towards filling the gap that exists in the literature by investigating reform through legislation. This research involved semi-structured interviews with participants from five groups: lawyers, surveyors/agents, landlords, tenants and business owners. Most interviewed supported reform of commercial property leases through legislative intervention, and better guidance explaining the meaning of key legal terms of commercial property leases, especially from ethnic minority businesses.

1 Abstract The aim of this thesis is an integral organization of the incidental disputes that may arise in the execution proceeding, a description of their nature, an outline of their purpose and characterization of important features. The result of my efforts should be a structured and comprehensive overview of the incidental disputes. The approach, which I used in order to achieve the marked objective, rests in the creating of the basic description of individual incidental disputes, in the analysis of their elements and in the comparison of different concepts. Apart form the introduction and conclusion the thesis contains a total of two chapters, which are further divided into subchapters and parts. The first chapter contains altogether four subchapters and the second chapter contains six subchapters. The first chapter discusses the execution proceeding and the incidental disputes in general. First of all, the thesis begins with the first subchapter with a brief outline of the history of execution proceeding along with the lay out of the first occurrences of the various institutes of incidental actions. Subsequently, in the second subchapter the execution proceeding is conceptually defined in accordance with the state of today's jurisprudence. The third subchapter, that deals with the main principles on...