Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The HIPC Initiative offers qualifying heavily indebted poor countries the opportunity to renege on their debt obligations in return for an emphatic commitment to poverty reduction and reform. This dissertation assesses the effectiveness of the HIPC Initiative in light of the fact that one third of the world's population continues to live on an average of US$1 per day. In evaluating the HIPC Initiative one simple question is posed: taking into consideration the abject poverty experienced by over a billion people in the developing world, and the urgency with which it must be addressed, is the HIPC Initiative extensive enough, deep enough or broad enough to effectively challenge worldwide poverty? Using quantitative and qualitative research methods, the dissertation investigates this question by examining the divergent points of view offered by the World Bank and IMF on the one hand, and NGOs on the other as they comment on the most hotly debated issues surrounding the effectiveness of the HIPC Initiative. The analysis leads us to an evaluation of the following issues: establishing debt sustainability to qualify for HIPC relief; the issue of conditionality and the use of poverty reduction strategy papers; funding the HIPC Initiative; the likelihood of HIPCs escaping the debt trap after HIPC relief; and finally, how the HIPC Initiative is contributing to attaining the Millennium Development Goals is evaluated. After probing the stances of the World Bank and IMF, and the contrasting views of NGOs the conclusions indicate that the HIPC Initiative is neither extensive, deep nor broad enough to effectively challenge poverty, or to provide indebted poor countries with a lasting escape from the burden of unsustainable debt. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Inisiatief bied aan arm lande met 'n groot skuldlas, wat kwalifiseer vir hulp, die geleentheid om hul skuldverpligtings af te las in ruil vir 'n definitiewe verbintenis tot armoede-vermindering en -hervorming. Hierdie verhandeling evalueer die doeltreffendheid van die HIPC Inisiatief teen die agtergrond van die feit dat een derde van die wêreld se bevolking op 'n gemiddelde van een Amerikaanse Dollar per dag oorleef. Hierdie evaluering van die HIPC Inisiatief stel 'n eenvoudige vraag: Is die HIPC Inisiatief voldoende en uitgebreid genoeg om die uitdaging van wêreldwye armoede aan te spreek indien 'n mens die uiterste armoede van meer as 'n biljoen mense in ontwikkelende gebiede in ag neem, sowel as die dringendheid waarmee dit aangespreek moet word? Deur van kwantitatiewe en kwalitatiewe navorsingsmetodes gebruik te maak, ondersoek die verhandeling hierdie vraag deur uiteenlopende gesigspunte van die Wêreldbank en die Internasionale Monitêre Fonds (IMF) aan die een kant, en Nie- Regerings Orginisasies (NRO's) s'n aan die ander kant, te ondersoek aan die hand van hul kommentaar op die belangrikste kwessies oor die doeltreffendheid van die HIPC Inisiatief. Hierdie ontleding lei tot 'n evaluering van die volgende kwessies: bepaling van lande se potensiaal om met terugbetalings vol te hou ten einde vir hulp deur die HIPC te kwalifiseer; die kwessie van voorwaardelikheid en die gebruik van armoedeverligtingstrategieë; befondsing van die HIPC Inisiatief; die moontlikheid dat die HIPC's die skuldstrikke na toepassing van HIPC-bystand sal ontsnap; en laastens, hoe die HIPC Inisiatief se bydrae tot die bereiking van die Millenium Ontwikkelingsdoelwitte geëvalueer word. Die standpunte van die Wêreld Bank en die IMF sowel as die teengestelde sienings van die NRO's word ondersoek. Die gevolgtrekking toon dat dat die HIPC Insiatief nie uitgebreid, diep of breed genoeg is om armoede doeltreffend hok te slaan nie, of om skuldlastige arm lande te help om finaal van hul skuldlas te ontsnap nie.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigates the impact of foreign aid on the relations between Non- Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and the state in South Africa since 1994. There are three different ways in which NGOs can interact with the state and public policy: viz. they can support and help to implement policies, attempt to reform policies, or oppose them. During apartheid, the nature of NGO-state relations was characterised by political confrontation and distrust. NGOs primarily served as organisations of opposition to the state's exclusivist and dehumanising policies. Many NGOs, however, also provided developmental and social services to communities who were neglected by the apartheid state. After the first democratic election in 1994, the role of NGOs underwent a significant process of change. Various factors contributed to this change. This study, however, primarily focuses on the role of foreign aid and its effect on NGO activities in South Africa, post-1994. This study relied on secondary data sources (both qualitative and quantitative) available in the area of NGO state relations. The study also focused on two major donor agencies in South Africa: European Union (EU) and United States Agency for International Development (USAID). Analysis of data reveals that, since 1994 much of the funding that was previously directly channeled to civil society now goes to the state, which distributes it to targetted NGOs. As a result many NOOs have collapsed because of a shortage of financial resources to sustain their work. Secondly, since 1994 the rationale and purpose behind international donor policies has been to advance the New Policy Agenda (NPA), which is aimed at promoting free market-orientated reforms and the consolidation of liberal democracy. As a result, foreign aid donors have endorsed the liberal economic policies, which are set out in the government's macroeconomic strategy, viz. Growth, Employment, and Redistribution (GEAR). Thus, both government and donors have prioritised NGOs who are involved in service delivery rather than those that are likely to challenge and oppose liberal market policies. They have also shown preference to NGOs that are more concerned with the norms and practices of procedural democracy as opposed to those that are concerned with issues of participatory and social democracy. This has resulted in constraining the overtly political and advocacy role, which characterised NGOs during the apartheid era. International donors, via government disbursement institutions such as the National Development Agency (NDA), have also constrained the work of NGOs by insisting on numerous managerial related requirements that have been made conditional for the receiving of financial support. Many small, informal, rural community based organisation that lack the required administrative capacity have, as a result, been facing serious financial crises. Subsequently, NGO-state relations, since 1994, have become less adversarial and confrontational. Most NGOs, complement and support the state's social services delivery programmes and also serve as organisations which help shape the norms and practices of procedural democracy. The study concludes, that the persistent inequality, poverty and unemployment which is associated with the GEAR macroeconomic policy and endorsed by international donor agencies, will lead to the resurgence of advocacy NGOs. Furthermore, in order to resuscitate their role and to ensure their vitality as organisations, which promote participatory democracy, it is essential to focus on strategies, which can effectively challenge the current funding environment to NGOs. These include, building the administrative capacity of both the NDA and NGOs, ensuring NDA independence, and ensuring recognition by funding institutions of the importance of advocacy NGOs in the consolidation of economic democracy. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die impak van buitelandse hulp op die verhoudinge tussen Nie-Regeringsorganisasies (NRO'S) en die staat sedert 1994. Daar is drie verskillende wyses waarop NRO's interaksie kan bewerkstellig met die staat en met openbare beleid, naamlik, hulle kan help om beleid te implementeer, hulle kan help om beleid te verander, of hulle kan beleid teenstaan. Tydens apartheid, is die aard van NRO - staat verhoudings gekenmerk deur konfrontasie en wantroue. Die NRO's het primêr gedien as organisasies van opposrsie teen die staat se eksklusiwistiese en onmenslikingsbeleid. Talle NRO's het egter ook ontwikkelings- en sosiale dienste voorsien aan gemeenskappe wat afgeskeep is deur die apartheidstaat. Na die eerste demokratiese verkiesing in 1994, het die rol van NRO's 'n beduidende proses van verandering ondergaan. 'n Verskeidenheid faktore het bygedra tot hierdie verandering. Hierdie studie fokus egter primêr op die rol van buitelandse hulp en die uitwerking daarvan op NRO's se aktiwiteite in Suid-Afrika na 1994. Hierdie studie het staatgemaak op sekondêre bronne (kwalitatief sowel as kwantitatief) in die gebied van NRO's - staat verhoudinge. Die studie fokus ook op twee belangrike donateur agentskappe in Suid-Afrika: die Europese Unie (EU) en die Verenigde State Agentskap vir Internasionale Ontwikkeling (VSAlO). 'n Analise van die data toon aan dat, sedert 1994, heelwat van die befondsing wat voorheen direk gekanaliseer is aan die openbare gemeenskap, nou na die staat gaan, wat dit versprei na geteikende NRO's. Gevolglik het talle NRO's ineengestort vanweë 'n tekort aan finansiële bronne om hulle werk vol te hou. Tweedens, sedert 1994 was dit die rasionaal en doelstelling van internasionale donateurskapsbeleid om die Nuwe Beleid Agenda (NBA) te bevorder, wat as doelstelling het die bevordering van vrye mark-georiënteerde hervormings en die konsolidasie van 'n liberale demokrasie. Gevolglik het buitelandse hulp donateurs liberale ekonomiese beleidvorming onderskryfwat uiteengesit word in die regering se makro-ekonomiese strategie, nl. Groei, Werkverskaffing en Herverdeling (GEAR). Dus het sowel die regering as donateurs prioriteit gegee aan NRO's wat betrokke is in dienslewering, eerder as dié wat geneig is om liberale markbeleid teen te staan. Hulle het ook voorkeur gegee aan NRO's wat meer besorg is oor die norme en praktyke van 'n prosedurele demokrasie in teenstelling met dié wat besorgd is oor die vraagstukke van 'n deelnemende en sosiale demokrasie. Dit het die resultaat gehad dat die openlike politiese en kampvegtersrol wat kenmerkend van die NRO's was gedurende die apartheidsera, beperk is. Internasionale donateurs het, Vla regerings-instellings soos die Nasionale Ontwikkelingsagentskap (NOA), ook die werk van NRO's beperk deur die aandrang op talle bestuursverwante vereistes wat as voorwaarde gestel is vir die ontvangs van finansiële ondersteuning. Talle klein, informele landelike gemeenskaps-gebaseerde organisasies wat die vereiste administratiewe kapasiteit kort, het gevolglik ernstige finansiële krisisse begin ondervind. Daaropvolgend, het NRO-staat verhoudinge sedert 1994 minder konfronterend begin raak. Die meeste NRO's ondersteun die staat se diensleweringsprogramme en dien ook as organisasies wat help om die norme en praktyke van 'n prosedurale demokrasie te vorm. Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat die voortdurende ongelykheid, armoede en werkloosheid wat geassosieer word met die makro-ekonomiese beleid van die regering se program vir Groei, Werkskepping en Herverdeling (GEAR) sal lei tot In nuwe opkoms van kampvegter NRO's. Voorts, ten einde hulle rol te stimuleer en hulle lewenskragtigheid as organisasies te verseker, kan ons die huidige befondsingsomgewing van NRO's doeltreffend uitdaag. Dit sluit in die bou van die administratiewe kapasiteit van beide die NOA en NRO's, die versekering van NOA onafhanklikheid, en die versekering van die erkenning deur befondsingsinstellings van die belangrikheid van kampvegter NRO's in die konsolidasie van 'n ekonomiese demokrasie.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research report documents the results of a study that aims at investigating the potential contribution of a gender perspective towards conflict resolution. In this regard, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) is used as a case in point. The study takes the form of an exploratory and descriptive study and extensive use is made of both primary and secondary sources of data. By arguing that a gender perspective on conflict will elucidate the way in which women are affected differently by conflict it logically follows that women should be permitted to assume their rightful positions in attempts at transforming conflict. The application of a gender perspective furthermore urges a revision of conflict resolution towards conflict management and transformation as the appropriate ways of bringing an end to war. This implies that the emphasis is shifted from a search for political solutions towards conflict prevention and early warning as the most effective ways of pre-empting violent conflict and the breakdown of peace-processes aimed at resolving violent conflicts. In the search for an appropriate role for women in conflict management, the study revisits a number of frameworks for the full and equal participation of women in conflict management at the international, regional and subregional levels of analysis. These frameworks are then applied to the situation in the DRC and some practical courses of action are proposed. While the study concludes that there is a clearly defined need for exposing the gender bias in the analysis and resolution of violent conflict, it notes that the patriarchal nature of the DRC and the international system will in many instances hamper progress towards the achievement of a non-patriarchal and nongendered peaceful social world order. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingsverslag dokumenteer die uitkomste van 'n studie wat daarna streef om die potensiële bydrae van vroue tot konflik resolusie te ondersoek. Tot hierdie end word die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo as 'n gevalstudie gebruik. Die navorsings ontwerp is eksploratories en beskrywend en daar word ekstensief gebruik gemaak van beide primêre en sekondêre bronne van data. Deur aan te voer dat 'n gender perspektief op konflik die wyse waarop vroue verskillend geraak word deur konflik beklemtoon, volg dit logies hierop dat vroue toegelaat behoort te word om hul regmatig plek in te neem ten tyde van pogings tot konflik transformasie. Die toepassing van 'n gender perspektief dwing verder ook 'n hersiening van konflik resolusie en beskou konflik bestuur en transformasie as die gepaste maniere om oorlog tot 'n einde te bring. Dit bring mee dat daar 'n verskuiwing van klem plaasvind - vanaf 'n soeke na politieke oplossings na konflik voorkoming en vroeë/tydige waarskuwing as die mees effektiewe instrumente om geweldadige konflik en die ineenstorting van vredesprosesse te voorkom. In die soeke na die gepaste rol vir vroue in konflik bestuur, herondersoek die studie 'n aantal raamwerke vir die volledige en gelyke deelname van vroue in konflik bestuur op die internasionale, regionale en sub-regionale vlakke van analise. Hierdie raamwerke word dan toegepas op die situasie in the DRK, en praktiese riglyne word voorgehou. Hoewel die studie vind dat daar 'n duidelike gedefinieerde behoefte bestaan om die gender vooroordeel in die analisie en resolusie van konflik te openbaar, word dit ook aanvaar dat die patriargale aard van die DRK en die internasionale sisteem in die meeste gevalle ware vooruitgang in die daarstelling van 'n nie-patriargale, gelykregtige, vreedsame sosiale wêreldorde sal kniehalter.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The involvement of women in both conventional and unconventional forms of political participation in South Africa has over the past 10 years, and often at present, been experienced as problematic and limited. Exacerbating the problem of limited access and information, the study of, and literature about, women's participation in unconventional forms of politics have also been limited. It is the aim of this study to contribute to our knowledge in this area. This study investigates women's participation in unconventional politics between 1991 and 2001. This period is specifically important, as it makes possible the examination of trends in women's political participation before and after the democratic transition in 1994. This makes it possible for us to speculate about the influence of transition on women's political participation. I propose and evaluate two mam hypotheses in which I; firstly, expect women's participation in protest politics to decrease between 1991 and 2001, and secondly, expect to find women's levels of participation in protest to be consistently lower than that of their male counterparts. The complex set of variables influencing women's participation is evaluated according to the socialization and structural approaches, which offer different assumptions about the reasons for the trends in women's participation. In conclusion, I offer the main findings of my research, as well as suggesting possible areas still to be investigated within the field, as deduced from the questions arising out of my analysis in this project. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die betrokkenheid van vroue in beide konvensionele en onkonvensionele vorme van politieke deelname in Suid Afrika, was oor die laaste 10 jaar, en is steeds ervaar as problematies en beperk. Wat die probleem vererger, is die beperkte toegang tot informasie, die studie van, en literatuur oor, vroue se deelname in onkonvensionele vorme van politiek. Dit is in die strewe na die oorkoming van hierdie leemtes, dat hierdie werk aangepak word. Hierdie werk ondersoek vroue se deelname in onkonvensionele politiek tussen 1991 en 2001. Hierdie periode is spesifiek belangrik, omdat dit die demokratiese transisie na 1994 insluit, en om neigings in vroulike deelname voor en na 1994 te bestudeer. Dit maak dit moontlik om oor die invloed van die transisie op vroue se politieke deelname te spekuleer. Ek stel, en evalueer twee hoof hipoteses waarin ek; eerstens, verwag dat vroue se deelname in protes politiek sal verminder tussen 1991 en 2001, en tweedens, verwag ek om te vind dat vroue se vlakke van deelname in protes, deurentyd laer sal wees as die van mans. Die komplekse stel veranderlikes wat vroue se deelname beinvloed, word geevalueer in terme van die sosialisering- en strukturele benaderings, wat verskillende voorstelle oor die motivering van die geobserveerde neigings in vroue se deelname oplewer. Ten slotte, bied ek die hoof bevindinge van my navorsing aan, so wel as voorstelle ten opsigte van moontlike areas vir verder ondersoek binne die veld.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research assignment is a detailed descriptive investigation of the lobbying role played by the Disabled People South Africa (DPSA) in the post-apartheid era in South Africa. The period under investigation is 1994-2001. The focus is on the DPSA as a lobbyist attempting to influence policy in favour of the disabled people in South Africa. In doing this, the study gives an overview of the three important concepts in this study, namely policy-making, disability and lobbying. The three concepts are analysed and looked at particularly from a South Africa perspective. The study utilises different methods of data collection. Disabled people have a history of being exposed to discrimination. After 1994 South Africa had a Constitution that outlawed such a practice against disabled people. South Africa in its democracy has new policies that are different from the ones that were governing the country during the apartheid era. The DPSA, as an umbrella body representing the disabled, now has to play a more effective role regarding the advocating for its members. Hence this study is conducted during the 1994-2001 period. The study mainly focuses on what and how the DPSA has tried to influence lobbying policy-making in favour of the disabled. The conclusion of the study is that the DPSA has achieved success directly and indirectly. The DPSA has managed to playa significant role in the improvement of the lives of disabled people in South Africa. However, it is recommended that the DPSA should make more efforts in addition to what has been done up to this far. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingsopdrag is 'n gedetailleerde beskrywende studie van die rol wat die werwing van steun deur die Gestremde Mense van Suid Afrika (DPSA) in die postapartheid era 1994-2001 in Suid-Afrika speel. Die fokus is op die DPSA as 'n steunwerwer om die beleid te beïnvloed ten gunste van gestremde mense in Suid-Afrika. Deur dit te doen gee hierdie studie 'n oorsig van drie belangrike konsepte, naamlik beleidvorming, gestremdheid en steunwerwing. Hierdie drie konsepte is spesifiek vanuit 'n Suid-Afrikaanse perspektief ontleed. Die studie gebruik verskillende metodes om data te versamel. Gestremde mense het 'n geskiedenis van blootstelling aan diskriminasie. Na 1994 het Suid-Afrika 'n grondwet wat diskriminasie teen gestremde mense onwettig verklaar het. 'n Demokratiese Suid-Afrika het nuwe beleide wat verskillend is van dié wat die land tydens die apartheid era gehad het. Die DPSA, as 'n sambreelorganisasie, verteenwoordigend van gestremdes, moes nou 'n meer effektiewe rol speel in die verdediging van sy lede. Die studie fokus hoofsaaklik op die voordele wat die DPSA gekry het ten gunste van die gestremdes. Die gevolgtrekking van die studie is dat die DPSA direkte en indirekte suksesse behaal het. Die DPSA het dit reggekry om 'n belangrike rol te speel in die verbetering van die lewe van gestremdes in Suid-Afrika. Daar is nietemin voorgestel dat die DPSA meer pogings moet aanwend, addisioneel tot dit wat reeds gedoen is.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis deals with nation-building in South Africa since 1994 with a view to finding out the direction taken by nation-building since then. This issue has been and it still is a controversial issue in South Africa. The new dispensation in South Africa occasioned a need for the creation of new national institutions, leaders and policies for the nation. Hence, an inclusive/liberal nation-building programme was put in place. Since 1994 this programme has been carried out by two presidents, namely former president Mandela (1994-1999) and President Mbeki (1999-2002+) respectively. Nevertheless, these two leaders do not only subscribe to different philosophies but also have two divergent approaches to nation-building. Although they are both individualists, Mandela is Charterist whereas Mbeki is an Africanist. Moreover, Mandela promoted nation-building through reconciliation and corporatism. Mbeki's approach to nation-building, on the contrary, emphasises transformation and empowerment through the market. These approaches seem contradictory and thus mutually exclusive. This does not augur weU for fragile democracy of South Africa. Therefore, an attempt will be made to find out whether this is true and thus finding out the direction taken by nationbuilding. This will be done by comparing the Mandela and Mbeki approaches to nation-building. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie werkstuk handeloor nasiebou in Suid-Afrika sedert 1994, met die doelom die tendense sedertdien te bepaal. Dit was en is steeds 'n kontroversiële kwessie in Suid- Afrika. Die nuwe bedeling in Suid-Afrika het dit noodsaaklik gemaak dat nuwe instellings, leiers en beleide in die nasie tot stand sal kom. Daar is vervolgens op 'n inklusiewe/liberale nasiebou program besluit. Sedert 1994 was dit uitgevoer onder die leierskap van twee presidente, te wete Mandela (1994-1999) en Mbeki (1999-2002+) respektiewelik. Dié twee leiers onderskryf verskillende filosofieë en het ook verskillende benaderings tot nasiebou. Beide is individualiste, en Mandela die Charteris terwyl Mbeki weer die Afrikanis is. Meer spesifiek, Mandela het nasiebou bevorder deur versoening en korporatisme te bevorder. Mbeki aan die ander kant, plaas weer klem op transformasie en bemagtiging deur die mark. Hierdie benaderings skyn teenstrydig te wees. Daarom is 'n poging aangewend om te bepaal hoe insiggewend die verskille is en wat die tendense is. Moontlik spel dit niks goeds vir die nuwe demokrasie nie. Dit is gedoen deur Mandela en Mbeki sistematies te vergelyk.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The norms governing international trade on the one hand, and sustainable development on the other, have both different origins and objectives. This is the central problem that will be addressed in this research assignment, by analysing the structure, functioning and future of the World Trade Organisation Dispute Settlement Mechanism (DSM). Though there has been a significant shift from politics to legality, the dispute settlement system is still far from perfect. When looking at recent environmental trade disputes, the stress placed on the system is revealed. •• The focus is on the impact of environmental disputes on the nature and functioning of the DSM, and how these disputes have contributed to the development of international trade law, and the concept of sustainable development. These will all contribute to a greater understanding of the interaction of the World Trade Organisation and the multilateral trading system, and the future role the WTO should play on the agenda for sustainable development. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die norme wat enersyds internasionale handel, en andersyds volhoubare ontwikkeling beheer, het uiteenlopende oorspronge en doelstellings. Hierdie is die sentrale probleem wat deur hierdie navorsingsverslag aangespreek word, te wete deur die struktuur, funksionering en toekoms van die Wereldhandelsorganisasie (WHO) Dispute Settlement Mechanism (DSM) te analiseer. Hierdie dispuutskikkingstelsel is nog steeds nie volmaak nie, ten spyte daarvan dat daar reeds 'n betekenisvolle verskuiwing van politiek tot wetlikheid plaasgevind het. As daar na onlangse omgewingshandelsdispute gekyk word, kom die druk wat op die stelsel geplaas word, duidelik na vore. Die fokus word dus met hierdie navorsingsverslag geplaas op die impak wat omgewingsdispute op die aard en funksionering van die DSM het, en hoe die dispute bygedra het tot die ontwikkeling van internasional handelswette asook op die konsep van volhoubare ontwikkeling. Hierdie fokus behoort by te dra tot 'n groter begrip tot die interaksie tussen die Wereldhandelsorganisasie (WHO) en die multilaterale handelstelsels, asook op die toekomstige rol wat die WHO behoort te speel met betrekking tot die agenda vir volhoubare ontwikkeling.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The goal of this thesis was to evaluate the success of neo-liberalism in South Africa, with specific reference to the capacity of the policy to eradicate poverty and reduce inequality. The dispute about the aptness of nee-liberalism in South Africa also relates to the broader debate concerning the success of neo-liberalism in creating economic growth to the benefit of all members of society. A qualitative analysis of the research and diverging opinions with regards to neo-liberalism was used to derive an objective framework for the evaluation of economic policy. This framework was then used as the basis of an evaluation of the success of neo-liberalism in South Africa. It was found that neo-liberalism is generally successful in the generation of economic growth with the capacity to address poverty, and that the implementation of neo-liberal policies does not necessarily lead to an increase in inequality. It was, however, also proven that there are specific cases in which neo-liberalism is not successful. It was therefore argued that the continuation of neo-liberal policies in South Africa cannot be justified on the grounds of the success of the policy in the global context. Seeing as the success of the policy seems to be context specific, it was argued that evaluations of the policy should have the same context specific basis. Since South Africa's political transition ID 1994, neo-liberalism has gradually been established as the foundation of economic policy. The success of neo-liberalism in South Africa was therefore evaluated through an analysis of the changes in the levels of poverty and inequality in the country since this transition. It was found that very little progress has been made in the reduction of inequality, that poverty has increased and that South Africa's Human Development Index (as an indication of the success of development policy) has decreased since 1994. It was therefore concluded that neo-liberalism in South-Africa is not successful, and that it is thus necessary to identify an alternative framework for the eradication of poverty and reduction of inequality in the country. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie tesis was om die sukses van neo-liberalisme in die verligting van armoede en vermindering van ongelykheid in Suid-Afrika te bepaal. Die debat oor die wenslikheid van neo-liberalisme in Suid-Afrika skakelook in by die breër debat rakende die sukses van neo-liberalisme in die generering van ekonomiese groei tot voordeel van alle lede van die samelewing. Daar is daarom gepoog om deur 'n kwalitatiewe analise van die navorsing en verskillende standpunte oor die onderwerp 'n objektiewe raamwerk vir die evaluering van ekonomiese beleid af te lei. Hierdie raamwerk is gebruik as basis vir 'n evaluering van neo-liberalisme in Suid-Afrika. Daar is bevind dat neo-liberalisme oor die algemeen suksesvol is in die generering van ekonomiese groei ter verligting van armoede, en dat die implementering van neo-liberale ekonomiese beleidsmaatreëls nie noodwendig gepaard gaan met groter ongelykheid nie. Daar is egter ook bewys gelewer van spesifieke gevalle waar neo-liberalisme onsuksesvol is. Daarom word daar geredeneer dat die voortsetting van neo-liberalisme in Suid-Afrika nie op grond van die sukses van die beleid in die globale konteks gemotiveer kan word nie. Die sukses van die beleid blyk konteks-spesifiek te wees, en die evaluering daarvan behoort dus dieselfde konteks-spesifieke basis te hê. Neo-liberalisme is sedert die politieke oorgang in Suid-Afrika in 1994 geleidelik gevestig as die basis van ekonomiese beleid. Die sukses van neo-liberalisme in Suid-Afrika is dus geëvalueer deur 'n analise van die veranderinge in vlakke van armoede en ongelykheid sedert hierdie oorgang. Daar is bevind dat daar min vordering gemaak is met die vermindering van ongelykheid, dat vlakke van armoede verhoog het, en dat Suid-Afrika se Menslike Ontwikkelingsindeks (as aanduiding van sukses van ontwikkelingsbeleid) sedert 1994 afgeneem het. Daar is dus tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat neo-liberalisme in Suid-Afrika rue suksesvol is nie, en dat dit nodig is om 'n alternatiewe raamwerk vir die verligting van armoede en vermindering van ongelykheid in die land te identifiseer.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores the issue of collapsed states with reference to William Reno's (2001) theory. Since the end of the Cold War we find in many places that the state itself has collapsed. According to this thesis state collapse refers to a situation where the structure, authority, laws and political order have fallen apart. The phenomenon of collapsed states is historic and worldwide, but nowhere are there more examples than in contemporary Africa. Sierra Leone is an example of a collapsed state in Africa. The state in Sierra Leone was after the commencement of the conflict in 1991 not capable of performing the duties which are required of a state when a state wants to be called a state. Governments in collapsed states lack the capacity to make binding, effective decisions. As a basic institution, the state loses its sovereignty as the most central institution in the society. Resource wars are nowadays a characteristic of collapsed states like Sierra Leone. Resources are used by key figures in the resource wars to enrich themselves. They also exploit the resources to finance their actions and propaganda. Diamonds was the resource which was exploited commercially by the 'government' and Foday Sankoh, a rebel/insurgent, as well as Charles Taylor, a warlord. The resource war was one of the reasons why the state in Sierra Leone collapsed further. It had lead to the total collapse of the state in Sierra Leone. With the commencement of the conflict in Sierra Leone, the issue of peacemaking came to the fore in Sierra Leone. The conflict in Sierra Leone was an intrastate conflict. The primary goal of the United Nations (UN) is to maintain international security and peace. Intrastate conflicts do not form part of the UN's traditional mandate regarding peacemaking. The UN thus had no basic framework of how to get involved in the intrastate conflict in Sierra Leone. The UN only became involved in 1999 in the form of UNAMSIL. Before the intervention of the UN, the 'government' of Sierra Leone turned to Private Military Companies (PMC's) in the form of Executive Outcomes and Sandline International. The problem with the intervention of PMC's in a conflict is that they are not sanctioned by international organisations like the UN. As a regional initiative, ECOWAS in the form of ECOMOG, also became involved in Sierra Leone. The intervention of both ECOMOG and PMC's in Sierra Leone failed to produce peace or the restoration of the state. Only the UN achieved peacemaking and the holding of an election. The conclusion of this thesis is that Sierra Leone fits in the theory of Reno (2001 ) re collapsed states. Sierra Leone is a typical example of a collapsed state and it also illustrates the validity of the concept. This however does not mean that Sierra Leone will be a collapsed state forever. There is the possibility that Sierra Leone can make a transition from a collapsed state to a stronger state to a more stable and functional state. It need, however, be noted that all conclusions in this thesis are of a preliminary nature. The conclusions will therefore be subject to further confirmation by later studies. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis verken die kwessie van vervalle state met verwysing na William Reno (2001) se teorie. Sedert veral die einde van die Koue Oorlog vind ons die tendens dat verskeie state verval het. In hierdie tesis verwys die konsep van 'n vervalle staat na 'n situasie waar die struktuur, gesag, politieke orde en wette uitmekaar geval het. Die verskynsel van vervalle state is histories en kom wêreldwyd voor. Kontemporêre Afrika verskaf egter die meeste voorbeelde van vervalle state. Sierra Leone is 'n voorbeeld van so 'n vervalle staat. Na die aanvang van die konflik in 1991 was die staat in Sierra Leone nie meer daartoe instaat om die funksies te verrig wat van 'n staat vereis word indien so 'n staat as 'n staat geag wil word nie. Die 'regering' in 'n vervalle staat beskik nie meer oor die kapasiteit om bindende, effektiewe besluite te neem nie. Die staat, as 'n basiese instelling, verloor sy soewereiniteit as die sentrale instelling in die samelewing. Die verval van 'n staat word toenemend met die uitbreek van 'n konflik- in hierdie geval 'n- hulpbronoorlog gekenmerk. Hulpbronne word deur die sleutelfigure, wat betrokke is in die hulpbronoorlog in die vervalle staat, gebruik om hulself te verryk. Hierdie hulpbronne word ook gebruik om die sleutelfigure se aksies en propaganda te finansier. Diamante is as hulpbron in Sierra Leone deur die 'regering' en Foday Sankoh, 'n rebellinsurgent, asook Charles Taylor, 'n oorlogsbaron, kommersieël uitgebuit. Die burgeroorlog met sy talle fasette, het tot die totale verval van die staat aanleiding gegee. Die kwessie van vredemaak het met die uitbreek van die konflik in Sierra Leone na vore getree. Die konflik in Sierra Leone was 'n intrastaatkonflik. Die primêre doel van die Verenigde Nasies (VN) is om internasionale vrede en sekuriteit te handhaaf. Intrastaatkonflikte as sulks maak nie deel uit van die tradisionele opdrag van die VN betreffende vredemaak nie. Die VN het gevolglik nie oor 'n basiese raamwerk beskik van hoe om by die intrastaatkonflik in Sierra Leone betrokke te raak nie. Die VN het eers in 1999 in die vorm van UNAMSIL in Sierra Leone betrokke geraak. Voor die intervensie van die VN het die 'regering' van Sierra Leone hom tot Private Militêre Bystand (PMB) in die vorm van 'Executive Outcomes' en 'Sandline International' gewend. Die problematiek insake PMB is dat dit nie deur internasioale organisasies soos die VN gesanksioneer word nie. As 'n regionale inisiatief het ECOWAS ook in die vorm van ECOMOG by die intrastaatkonflik in Sierra Leone betrokke geraak. In hierdie tesis sal daar gemeld word dat beide ECOMOG en PMB, met die uitsondering van die VN, se pogings vir vredemaak in Sierra Leone gefaal het. Die slotsom waartoe hierdie tesis kom is dat Sierra Leone inpas by Reno (2001) se teorie insake die verskynsel van vervalle state. Sierra Leone is 'n tipiese voorbeeld van 'n vervalle staat en dit illustreer die geldigheid van die konsep. Dit beteken egter nie dat Sierra Leone permanent 'n vervalle staat hoef te wees nie. Die moontlikheid bestaan wel dat Sierra Leone die oorgang vanaf 'n vervalle staat na 'n stabieler, meer funksionele staat kan maak. Dit dien egter gemeld te word dat alle afleidings in hierdie tesis as voorlopig van aard beskou kan word. Hierdie afleidings is onderhewig aan verdere bevestiging of weerlegging deur latere studies.

Thesis (MA) -- Stellenbosch University, 1998. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The perception exists that the South African transitional negotiations were initiated by events during 1990. This study challenges such a perception and argues that prior to formal contact there existed a crucial period of informal bargaining. This period, known as prenegotiation, saw members of the National Party government and the African National Congress (ANC) attempt to communicate in order to gauge the possibility of a negotiated settlement. By utilising a phaseological approach to bargaining/negotiation, this study analyses the transition in order to ascertain the structure and functions of South African prenegotiation. The following three negotiation phases are identified: bargaining about bargaining, preliminary bargaining and substantive bargaining. Both of the first two phases are regarded as part of prenegotiation. This study argues that the first phase started as early as 1985 under conditions of immense secrecy and stayed that way until its conclusion in 1990. Three different avenues of communication were established during this time. The first avenue existed between government officials and the imprisoned Nelson Mandela. Regular meetings were held in an attempt to create an understanding of what was needed to normalise South African politics. The second avenue operated mostly on international soil, through intermediaries, and became an indirect channel of communication between exiled ANC officials and officials in the government's National Intelligence Service. The third avenue consisted of independent efforts by extra-governmental role-players to establish communication with the exiled ANC leadership. All three avenues impacted differently on the negotiation process, yet all are regarded as part of the bargaining about bargaining phase. The second phase was initiated by F.W. de Klerk's opening of parliament speech in 1990. In this phase new negotiators came to the fore and it signified an ongoing attempt by the government and the ANC to establish a contract zone for substantive bargaining. Prominent agreements included the Groote Schuur Minute, the Pretoria Minute, the D.F. Malan Accord and the National Peace Accord. The establishment of a multi-party negotiating forum, Codesa, ended preliminary bargaining, but only temporarily. After deadlock occurred in May 1992 it became necessary to revert back to prenegotiation issues before further progress could be made. The bilateral discussions that ensued between the government and the ANC saw the most prominent bargaining relationships of the transition develop, notably between Roelf Meyer and Cyril Ramaphosa, and between Nelson Mandela and F.W. de Klerk. With the signing of the Record of Understanding and the establishment of the Multi-P~ Negotiating Process ·m1993, ~ ,--· .. . ~ ~-- prenegotiation came to an end. In focussing primarily on prenegotiation, this study attempts both to refine existing prenegotiation theory and to identify possible recommendations for other deeply divided societies. For the success of a negotiation process it is an imperative that lasting good faith and a workable contract zone are established prior to any form of substantive bargaining. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die opvatting bestaan dat die Suid-Afrikaanse oorgangsonderhandelinge geinisieer is deur gebeurtenisse tydens 1990. Hierdie stuC.:ie betwis so 'n opvatting en argumenteer dat 'n noodsaaklike tydperk van informele onderhandeling voor formele kontak bestaan het. Gedurende die voorafgaande tydperk, wat bekend staan as vooronderhandeling, het lede van die Nasionale Party regering en die African National Congress (ANC) gepoog om kommunikasiekanale daar te stel en sodoende die moontlikheid van 'n onderhandelde skikking te ondersoek. Deur van 'n fase-benadering tot onderhandeling gebruik te maak, analiseer hierdie studie die oorgangstydperk met die doel om die struktuur en funksies van Suid-Afrikaanse vooronderhandelinge te bepaal. Die volgende drie onderhandelingsfases word onderskei: onderhande/ing oor onderhandeling, voorlopige onderhande/ing, en substantiewe onderhandeling. Beide fases een en twee word beskou as deel van vooronderhandeling. Volgens hierdie studie het die eerste fuse so vroeg as 1985 onder uiters geheime omstandighede begin, en het dit so voortgeduur tot met die finalisering daarvan in 1990. Drie verskillende kommunikasiewee het ontstaan gedurende hierdie tydperk. Die eerste weg was tussen regeringsamptenare en die gevange Nelson Mandela. Gereelde ontmoetings is gehou in 'n poging om 'n verstandhouding te kweek oor wat nodig sou wees om Suid-Afrikaanse politiek te normaliseer. Die tweede weg het meestal op internasionale grondgebied afgespeel deur middel van tussengangers, en het 'n indirekte kommunikasiekanaal tussen uitgeweke ANC lede en amptenare van die regering se Nasionale Intelligensie Diens bewerkstellig. Die derde weg het bestaan uit ona:thanklike pogings deur rolspelers buite die regering om kominunikasie te bewerkstellig met die uitgeweke ANC-leierskap. Alhoewel die wee op verskillende vlakke die onderhandelingsproses beiinvloed het, word al drie as deel van die eerste fase beskou. Die tweede fase is ingelei deur F. W. de Klerk se parlementere openingstoespraak in 1990. In hierdie fase het nuwe onderhandelaars na vore getree en dit is gekenmerk deur 'n deurlopende poging van die regering en die ANC om 'n kontraksone vir substantiewe onderhandeling te skep. Prominente skikkings het ingesluit die Groote Schuur Minuut, die Pretoria Minuut, die D.F. Malan Verdrag, en die Nasionale Vredesverdrag. Die totstandkoming van 'n veelparty-onderhandelingsforum, Codesa, het die einde van voorlopige onderhandeling aangedu~ alhoewel slegs tydelik. Na 'n dooiepunt bereik is in Mei 1992 het dit noodsaaklik geword om terug te keer na voorlopige onderhandeling. Die daaropvolgende bilaterale ontmoetings tussen die regering en die ANC is gekenmerk deur die ontwikkeling van prominente onderhandelingsverhoudings, veral tussen RoelfMeyer en Cyril Ramaphosa, en tussen Nelson Mandela en F.W. de Klerk. Met die ondertekening van die Rekord van Verstandhouding en die totstandkoming van die Veelparty-onderhandelingsproses in 1993, het vooronderhandeling tot 'n einde gekom. Deur hoofsaaklik op vooronderhandeling te fokus, probeer hierdie studie om beide bestaande vooronderhandelingsteorie te verfyn, asook moontlike riglyne vir ander diepverdeelde samelewings te identifiseer. Vir 'n onderhandelingsproses om suksesvol te wees is dit noodsaaklik dat blywende goedertrou en 'n werkbare kontraksone tot stand gebring word voor die aanvang van enige vorm van substantiewe onderhandeling. / Centre for Science Development (HSRC, South Africa)