Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2006. / Sudan, Africa’s largest country has been plagued by civil war for more than fifty years. The war broke out before independence in 1956 and the last round of talks ended in a peace agreement early in 2005. The war started as a war between two different religions embedded in different cultures. The Islamic government constitutionalised their religious beliefs and imposed them on the whole country. This triggered heavy reaction from the Christian and animist people in the South. They were not willing to adhere to strict marginalising Islamic laws that created cleavages in society. The Anya-Anya was the first rebel group to violently oppose the government and they fought until the Addis Ababa peace accord that was reached in 1972. After the peace agreement there was relative peace before the government went against the peace agreement and again started enforcing their religious laws on the people in the South. This new wave of Islamisation sparked renewed tension between the North and the south that culminated in Dr John Garang and his SPLM/A restarting the conflict with the government in 1982. This war between the SPLA and the government lasted 22 years and only ended at the beginning of 2005. The significance of this second wave in the conflict is that it coincided with the discovery of oil in the South. Since the discovery of oil the whole focus of the war changed and oil became the centre around which the war revolved. Through this research I intend to look at the significance of oil in the conflict. The research question: how religious is Sudan’ Religious war? asks the question whether resources have become more important than religion.

MA / Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Consumers are gradually becoming influential actors in the international arena. The 21st century consumer has taken on a new identity, namely that of a citizen-consumer. A rising awareness of the importance of ethical purchasing behaviour has made political citizen-consumers a vehicle through which change in normative behaviour in the capitalist world economy could be attained. Activists have realised the support that political consumers could give to campaigns that strive to achieve norm change. Consumers have the power to hold multinational corporations (MNCs) accountable for unjust practices, and through their purchasing decisions, pressure MNCs to change the manner in which they operate. In order to determine to what extent political consumerism could contribute to international norm change, one has to understand how norms emerge, when norms are accepted and at which point norms become internalised. The theoretical framework of the life-cycle of norms is ideal to test the possibilities that political consumerism holds in the quest for norm change. The application of norm life-cycle framework to case studies provides evidence that political consumerism has already announced itself as a vehicle for change. Campaigns such as the conflict diamonds campaign and the Fair Trade movement have already successfully co-opted consumers to support the goals of these campaigns and have achieved some results in changing the behaviour and policies of MNCs. Political consumers have therefore already embarked on the journey towards norm change, but have not yet been able to bring the norm to internalisation. The study determines which stage in the norm life-cycle political consumerism has managed to reach. Related to this, it asks whether it is in fact possible for activists and political consumers to complete the norm life-cycle and thereby effect norm change to enhance capacity for social justice in capitalism. The study also concerns itself with the persuasion strategies that have been used and could still be used by activists to pursue change in the normative behaviour of consumers and MNCs. Persuasion is central to convincing actors to accept and internalise a new norm. The study situates these persuasion strategies within the norm life-cycle, in order to identify the challenges facing the consumer movement and possible solutions to assist political consumerism to reach its full potential. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die internasionale arena het verbruikers gaandeweg die rol van invloedryke akteurs begin aanneem, naamlik dié van burgerlike-verbruikers. ‘n Toenemende bewustheid van die belangrikheid van etiese aankope het gedurende die 21ste eeu die politieke burgerlike-verbruiker in ‘n akteur omskep, wat normatiewe verandering in die kapitalistiese globale ekonomie te weeg kan bring. Aktiviste het besef dat politieke verbruikers steun aan veldtogte kan verleen wat na norm verandering streef. Omdat verbruikers oor die vermoë beskik om multi-nasionale korporasies (MNKs) vir onregverdige gebruike aanspreeklik te hou deur aankoop besluite, kan hul sodoende MNKs dwing on hul gebruike te verander. ‘n Begrip van die ontstaan en aanvaarding van norme, kan ook help om vas te stel tot watter mate politieke verbruiking tot internasionale norm verandering bydra. Die teoretiese raamwerk van die lewens-siklus van norme is ideaal om die potensiaal van politieke verbruiking te toets. Die toepassing van die norm lewens-siklus op gevallestudies bewys dat politieke verbruiking alreeds as ‘n middel vir verandering uitgekristaliseer het. Veldtogte, soos die konflik diamante veldtog en die “Fair Trade” beweging, het alreeds daarin geslaag om verbruikers te werf om die doelwitte van hierdie veldtogte te steun. Hierdie veldtogte het sodoende daarin geslaag om die verandering van MNKs se gedrag en beleid te bewerkstellig. Politieke verbruikers het hul reeds met die veldtog geassosieer om norm-verandering te laat plaasvind. Die studie het bepaal watter stadium in die norm lewens-siklus politieke verbruiking reeds bereik het, asook of dit moontlik vir aktiviste en verbruikers is om die siklus te voltooi en norm-verandering te laat plaasvind. Hierdie norm-verandering sal ook die vermoë vir die sosiale regverdiging van die kapitalistiese stelsel verbeter. Die studie het ook die aktiviste se oorredingstrategië uiteengesit, asook watter strategië in die toekoms kan gebruik word om die normatiewe gedrag van verbruikers en MNKs te verander. In die aanvaarding van nuwe norme speel oorreding ‘n belangrike rol. Die studie plaas daarom hierdie oorredingstrategië binne die norm lewens-siklus, sodat dit die uitdagings kan identifiseer wat die verbruikers-beweging in die gesig staar. Dit sal daarom vir die studie moontlik maak om werkbare opplossings voor te stel, wat politieke verbruiking tot sy volle potensiaal kan voer.

Thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy (Political Management) at Stellenbosch University / Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Inflicting a financial loss of over $US16 billion to international shipping, the occurrence of maritime piracy in areas such as the Strait of Malacca and the west coast of Africa, has significantly affected the long-term stability of global maritime trade. Since the collapse of the Somali state in the early 1990’s, international watch groups have expressed their concern as to the rise of piracy off the Somali coast and the waterways of the Gulf of Aden. However, 2008 marked an unprecedented increase in pirate attacks in Somali waters. These attacks did not only increase in number but also became more sophisticated. As more than 85% of world trade relies on maritime transport, the world was forced to take notice of the magnitude of Somali piracy. Considering the relative novel nature of Somali piracy, this field presents a vast potential for further and in-depth academic inquiry. This descriptive and explanatory study set out to explore the evasive nature of the what and why (and who) of Somali piracy and relied on inductive reasoning in order (a) to explore and define the contributing causes to the Somali conflict; (b) to indicate how the conflict and the resulting consequences in particularly the Puntland region contributed to the rise of maritime piracy; (c) to determine whether the pirate groups are fishermen protecting their resources by acting like vigilantes and self-defence units, or if they were bandits, warlords, Islamists or a combination of aforementioned; and to (d) establish the role which resource scarcity and state collapse played in rendering Somalia vulnerable to maritime piracy. In pursuing the above mentioned goals, this study relied on an analysis of authoritative and contemporary sources. Media reporting was used for updating the fast moving information. This study attributed the Somali conflict to historic and ethnic clan rivalries and the legacy of colonial rule that led to the arbitrary partitioning of Somalia by colonial superpowers. Military rule, oppression, wars with neighbours (Ethiopia), superpower intervention, famine and the rise of warlords made for state failure in Somalia. In Puntland, such factors were further aggravated by severe environmental hardship and natural disasters. Food became one of the scarcest resources in Somalia. People migrated to cities and to the coast where foreign fishing vessels also exploited the absence of coast guards in plundering fish. Some Somali fishermen reacted and in retrieving fish, apprehended ships, resulting in armed robbery at sea. But many went further, hijacking merchant vessels, and demanding huge ransoms. Initially prompted by grievance towards the exploitation of the Somali coastal resources, the vast financial rewards of piracy rapidly transformed this impetus to personal gain and greed. In doing so, these groups assumed characteristic similar to criminal bandits and warlords. Or were they Islamists fundraising for al-Qaeda? But unlike warlords, pirates normally never kill. The links with either Islamists or terrorism have also not been established either. The alleged link with criminal networks is much more plausible. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Maritieme seerowery in areas soos die Straat van Malacca en aan die weskus van Afrika, het tot op datum, na raming, finansiële verliese van meer as $US16 biljoen aan internasionale skeepshandel berokken en het ‘n beduidende negatiewe effek op die langtermyn stabiliteit van globale maritieme handel. Sedert die verval van die Somaliese staat in 1991, het internasionale waarnemingsgroepe hul besorgdheid uitgespreek oor die toename van seerowery aan die Somaliese kus en die aangrensende Golf van Aden. Vanaf 2008 was daar egter ‘n ongekende toename in seerower aanvalle in Somaliese kuswaters. Nie alleen was daar ‘n toename in die aantal insidente nie, maar die aanvalle is gekenmerk deur meer gesofistikeerde metodes. Aangesien meer as 85% van wêreldhandel afhanklik is van seevervoer, was die wêreld genoodsaak om kennis te neem van die omvang van die verskynsel. Gegewe die feit dat Somaliese seerowery ‘n relatiewe onlangse verwikkeling is, bied hierdie veld groot potensiaal vir verdere en diepgaande studie. Die beskrywende en verduidelikende studie het ten doel om die ontwykende vraagstuk oor die wat, hoekom en wie van Somaliese seerowery te verken en by wyse van induktiewe beredenering die volgende vas te stel: (a) om die bydraende oorsake tot die Somaliese konflik te ondersoek en te definieer, (b) om aan te dui hoe die konflik en die gevolge daarvan, spesifiek in die Puntland streek, bygedra het tot die ontstaan van plaaslike seerowery (c) om vas te stel of die seerower-groepe vissers is wat hul bronne beskerm deur vigilante of selfverdedigings-eenhede te stig en of hulle oorlogsbaronne, radikale Islamiste of ‘n kombinasie van voorafgenoemde is, en (d) om die rol te beskryf wat hulpbron-skaarste en staatkundige verval gespeel het om die risiko van seerowery in Somalie te verhoog. In navolging van voorafgenoemde doelwitte het die ondersoek staatgemaak op ‘n deeglike ontleding van gesaghebbende en kontemporêre bronne. Hierdie teoretiese grondslag is verder aangevul deur media-verslaggewing oor die onderwerp. Die studie het bevind dat die Somaliese konflik toegeskryf kan word aan historiese en klanverskille en die nalatenskap van koloniale heerskappy wat mettertyd gelei het tot die arbitrere verdeling van Somalië deur koloniale moondhede, militêre onderdrukking, geskille met buurstate (Ethiopië), inmenging van supermoonthede, hongersnood en die opkoms van oorlogsbaronne. Hierdie faktore het bygedra tot die staatkundige verval van Somalië. In Puntland in besonder, is hierdie bydraende faktore vererger deur omgewingsontbering en natuurlike rampe. Gevolglik het voedsel een van die skaarste hulpbronne geword in Somalië. Hierdie omstandighede het die bevolking na die kus gedryf, waar buitelandse visserbote onwettig die mariene-bronne geplunder het. In reaksie hierop het die bevolking self die wapen opgeneem om sulke skepe te konfronteer wat gelei het tot gewapende roof ter see. Sekere vissermanne het egter verder oortree en bote gekaap en aangehou in ruil vir omkoopgeld. Dit was egter lank nie meer gekaapte vissersbote nie, maar handelsskepe met ander duursame vragte. Terwyl hul optrede aanvanklik gemotiveer is deur ontevredenheid met die onwettige ontginning van mariene bronne, het die aansienlike finansiele voordele van seerowery hierdie dryfveer mettertyd gewysig tot een van persoonlike gewin en hebsug. In hierdie proses het die groeperinge eienskappe ontwikkel soortgelyk aan kriminele rowers en oorlogsbaronne van die oopsee en radikale Islamiste. Anders as oorlogsbaronne het hierdie groepe egter nie die lewe van hul slagoffers geneem nie. Die verband tussen hierdie seerowergroepe en radikale Islamiste of terroriste groepe kan ook nie verseker vasgestel word nie. Daar is dus ‘n meer geloofwaardige verband tussen sulke groepe en georganiseerde kriminele netwerke.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010 / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since the advent of independence in 1968, Mauritius’ economic trajectory evolved from the one of a monocrop sugar economy, with the latter noticeably being the backbone of the country’s economy, to one that progressed into being the custodian of a dynamic and sophisticated garment-dominated manufacturing industry. Condemned with the misfortune of not being endowed with natural resources, relative to her mainland African counterparts, Mauritius, nonetheless, was able to break the shackles of limited economic options and one of being the ‘basket-case’ to gradually evolving into being the upper-middle-income country - thus depicting it to be one of the most encouraging economies within the developing world. Indeed it is captivating that the fruits of the island’s prosperous sugar industry went a long way in meeting the island’s diversification agenda. Moreover, the ‘Mauritian miracle’ is glorified by the emergence and sustenance of a comprehensive welfare state which was able to withstand the harshest economic challenges the country ever faced. This thesis seeks to provide a broad historical over-view of the factors which aided the construction of the social democratic regime in Mauritius. It is of the premise that the social consciousness of the post-colonial leadership in Mauritius laid the foundation for the entrenchment of ideals of social justice into the Mauritian polity. Instead of letting market forces operate in their pure form, the state was propelled instead, to take the driver’s seat into the running of the economy so as to ensure the market and labour become partners in a bid to help the state meet its social development ideals. It is no wonder that current day welfare state in Mauritius is the one which is inextricably linked to elections, not just as tool to duck socio-ethnic disharmony. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert onafhanklikheidswording in 1968 het Mauritius se ekonomiese ontwikkeling gevorder van die van ’n enkel kommoditeit suiker uitvoerder as die basis van die ekonomie tot een met ’n dinamiese en gesofistikeerde tekstiel vervaardigingingssektor. Verdoem weens ’n tekort aan natuurlike hulpbronne in vergelyking met ander state in Afrika, het Mauritius nogtans daarin geslaag om sy tekortkominge te bowe te kom en geleidelik te ontwikkel tot ’n opper-middel inkomste staat. Suiker uitvoere het inderdaad ’n sleutelrol gespeel in die diversifikasie van die ekonomie. Die sukses van die ‘Mauritius wonderwerk’ is verder stukrag gegee deur die inwerkingstelling en voortbestaan van ’n omvattende welvaart staat wat gehelp het om die ergste ekonomiese uitdagings die hoof te bied. Hierdie tesis poog om ’n breë historiese oorsig te bied van die faktore wat die konstruksie van ’n sosiale demokratiese orde in Mauritius aangehelp het. Daar word gewerk van die premis dat die sosiale bewussyn van die na-koloniale leierskap in Mauritius die grondleggers was vir die vestiging van ideale van sosiale geregtigheid in die staat se politieke kultuur. In plaas van ’n ongebreidelde vrye mark ekonomie het die staat egter ’n sleutel rigtinggewende rol in die ontwikkeling van die ekonomie gespeel en om seker te maak dat die privaatsektor en arbeid vennote word om sleutel sosiale ekonomiese doelwitte te bereik. Dit is dus geen wonder dat die bestaande welvaartstaat in Mauritius nou verweef is met plaaslike verkiesingsverwagtinge nie en nie bloot ’n manier is om sosio-etniese onstabiliteit te verminder nie.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Over the past few decades the secular world has witnessed an increasing assault, specifically from the monotheistic religious fundamentalist community, on their beliefs and values. The undeniable intolerance shown by the religious fundamentalist community has often translated into violent terrorist attacks against the secular world. The fact that religious beings can resort to such atrocious acts of violence has certainly baffled many onlookers. It surely comes as no surprise that religious fundamentalism is generally viewed as a ''hard-to-understand‟ phenomenon. This literature review will describe the ''hard-to-understand‟ phenomenon that is religious fundamentalism by employing social identity theory. The social identity of religious fundamentalists is generally derived from sacred texts and what they consider to be absolute truths. These presumed absolute truths not only provide ample opportunity for the development of the ''us‟/''them‟ duality, but also provide a platform for an intense intolerance of the ''other‟, also referred to as the out-group. Of course, the ''us‟/''them‟ duality can be created on many social dimensions, but religion has proven to bring quite an extensive, even murderous, intolerance to in- and out-group characterizations. The ever increasing actions of religious fundamentalist groups over the past few decades have certainly illustrated this point with some conviction. The importance of social identity has been recognised in many major traditions of the social sciences, not excluding political science. Social identity forms the basis of any group‟s actions or reactions. Therefore, its significance stretches far beyond simply providing an identity to a social group. Social identity also acts as a preamble to how a social group, in this case religious fundamentalists, chooses to deal with invidious comparisons. By employing social identity in this particular way we can go beyond investigating how religious fundamentalists act and react to the point of understanding why they act and react the way they do. In this study it was found that although a number of options to deal with invidious comparisons are available to social groups, only a few of these options are likely to be pursued by religious fundamentalists in order to remain a relevant and competitive social group within the social hierarchy. This approach will provide important insights into a formerly ''hard-to-understand‟ phenomenon namely religious fundamentalism. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Oor die laaste paar dekades het die sekulêre wêreld 'n toenemende aanslag op sy oortuigings en waardes waargeneem, spesifiek vanaf die monoteïstiese godsdienstige fundamentalistiese gemeenskap. Die onloënbare onverdraagsaamheid wat deur hierdie godsdienstige fundamentalistiese gemeenskap getoon word ontaard dikwels in geweldadige terroriste aanvalle op die sekulêre wêreld. Die feit dat godsdienstige individue hulself begwewe tot sulke wreedaaardige dade van geweld het verseker baie toeskouers verydel. Dis is sekerlik dan nie 'n verrassing dat godsdienstige fundamentalisme gesien word as 'n ''moelik-om-te-begryp‟ fenomeen nie. Hierdie literatuur oorsig sal die ''moelik-om-te-begryp‟ fenomeen wat godsdienstige fundamentalisme is beskryf deur gebruik te maak van die sosiale identiteits teorie. Die sosiale identiteit van godsdienstige fundamentaliste spruit oor die algemeen uit heilige teks en absolute waarhede. Hierdie absolute waarhede bied nie slegs ruim geleenthede vir die ontwikkeling van die ''ons‟/''hulle‟ dualiteit nie, maar bied ook 'n platform vir 'n intense onverdraagsaamheid van die 'ander‟, wat ook verwys word na as die buite-groep. Natuurlik kan die ''ons‟/''hulle‟ dualiteit op grond van baie ander sosiale dimensies ontwikkel word, maar godsdiens het telke male al gedemonstreer dat dit 'n omvattende, selfs moordadige, onverdraagsaamheid na binne- en buite-groep karakterisering bring. Die al ewige toenemende aksies van godsdienstige fundamentalistiese groepe oor die laaste paar dekades illustreer sekerlik hierdie punt met oortuiging. Die belangrikheid van sosiale identiteit word erken deur verskeie tradisies van die sosiale wetenskappe en politieke wetenskap word nie hier uitgesluit nie. Sosiale identiteit vorm die basis van enige groep se aksies en reaksies. Vir hierdie rede strek die betekenisvoheid ver verby die feit dat slegs 'n identiteit aan 'n sosiale groep verskaf word. Sosiale identiteit tree op as 'n voorrede vir die manier waarop 'n sosiale groep, in ons geval godsdienstige fundamentaliste, verkies om onbenydenswaardige vergelykings te hanteer. Deur sosiale identiteit op hierdie besondere manier aan te spreek kan ons verder gaan as om slegs ondersoek in te stel in hoe godsdienstige fundamentaliste optree en reageer tot die punt waar ons kan verstaan hoekom hulle optree en reageer op hierdie spesifieke manier. In hierdie studie is gevind dat alhoewel daar 'n aantal opsies beskikbaar is vir sosiale groepe om onbenydenswaardige vergelykings te hanteer, is daar slegs 'n paar van hierdie opsies wat mees waarskynlik nagestreef sal word deur godsdienstige fundamentaliste ten 'n einde 'n relevante en kompeterende sosiale groep binne die sosial hïerargie te wees. Hierdie benadering sal belangrike insigte bring tot die voormalige 'moeilik-om-te-begryp‟ fenomeen genaamd godsdienstige fundamentalisme.

Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / In the 17th and 18th centuries the bourgeois public sphere emerged as the conceptual space between the public, with its enclosed institutions and organisations, and the circle of the private life. It is within this more or less autonomous space that public discourse took place and public opinion, as a function of public discourse, was produced. The public sphere was realised as a necessary precondition of deliberative democracy where it needed to manifest commitments to freedom and equality in the communicative interaction between those partaking in the deliberative process. Since the 17th and 18th centuries, the public sphere has undergone various transformations and, even though it is largely argued that the utopian public sphere as conceptualised by Habermas does not yet exists, it is regarded as a necessary precondition that all democracies should strive towards. Since the 19th century, media has been one of the main intermediary institutions of the public sphere. Initially, the earlier mass media of press and broadcasting were regarded as adequate and beneficial for the conduct of democratic politics and the facilitation of public opinion in the public sphere. Information flow was, however, vertical and the heightened commercialisation experienced within the media market lead to the neglect of democratic communication roles between the public itself and the leaders, institutions and organisations. These forms of mass communication thus limited access and discouraged active political participation and deliberative dialogue within the public sphere. In the 20th and 21st centuries, new media, especially the internet, have been hailed as a potential way to break away from the vertical information flow and to create new arenas for public discourse. One emerging contending form of new media is social networking sites (SNSs). Even though SNSs were not initially developed for political reasons, they have been utilised by political figures in an attempt to broaden voter reach and to enhance their campaigns. Amongst the SNSs available on the internet, Facebook has emerged as the largest, fastest growing and most popular SNS amongst internet users between the ages of 18 and 24 in the world. In the past, this age demographic has shown a disinterest in politics and has thus been recognised as the previously politically disengaged age demographic. American president Barack Obama realised the potential of Facebook and incorporated it in his new ii media campaign during the presidential election of 2008. Facebook enabled Obama to expand his voter reach and communicate with the previously politically unengaged age demographic. It also enabled him to create an arena where political information regarding the candidate, campaign and relevant political issues can be provided. This opened a communication flow between Facebook members and the president. Arenas for public discourse were also established and the potential of Facebook to facilitate public opinion was realised. In this study, the question is asked whether Facebook, as a SNS, can be seen as an adequate forum where public discourse takes place and public opinion, as the function of public discourse, is facilitated. This study will therefore aim to explore whether a Facebook, as SNS, can be seen as a public sphere. With the help of a case study of the 2008 Obama campaign, Facebook has shown the potential to allow for public discourse to take place. Thus the notion of Facebook as facilitator of public opinion is supported by this study. / Die burgerlike openbare sfeer, as die konseptuele area tussen die publiek, met sy ingeslote instellings en organisasies, en die private lewe, het sy ontstaan vanuit die 17de en 18de eeu. Dit is binne hierdie min of meer outonome area waar openbare diskoers plaasvind en waar openbare mening, as ʼn funksie van die openbare diskoers, geproduseer word. Die openbare sfeer is ʼn noodwendige voorvereiste van ʼn beraadslagende demokrasie waar dit nodig is om verbintenisse tot vryheid en gelykheid in die kommunikasie interaksie tussen die wat aan die beraadslagingsproses deelneem, te manifesteer. Die openbare sfeer het verkeie omvormings ondergaan en, al word daar geargumenteer dat die utopiese openbare sfeer soos deur Habermas gekonseptualiseer nog nie bereik is nie, word dit as ʼn noodsaaklike vereiste waarna enige demokrasie moet streef, gesien. Sedert die 19de eeu word media as een van die hoof intermediêre instellings van die openbare sfeer beskou. Die drukpers en uitsaaipers was aanvanklik voldoende en voordelig vir die bedryf van demokratiese politiek en die fasilitering van openbare mening in die openbare sfeer. Die vloei van inligting was egter vertikaal en die verhoogde kommersialisering van die mediamarkte het tot die afskeep van demokratiese kommunikasierolle tussen die publiek self en die leiers, instellings en organisasies gelei. Hierdie vorms van massakommunikasie het dus toegang tot, en die aktiewe deelname in die politieke en beraadslagende dialoog binne die openbare sfeer beperk en ontmoedig. Gedurende die 20ste en 21ste eeue is nuwe media, veral die internet, as ʼn potensiële manier om van die eenrigting kommunikasievloei weg te breek en nuwe arenas vir openbare diskoers te skep, erken. Sosiale Netwerkingswebtuistes (SNWs) is een van die opkomende kompeterende vorms van nuwe media. Selfs al was SNWs aanvanklik nie vir politieke doeleindes ontwikkel nie, was dit wel deur die politieke figure, in ʼn poging om kiesersomvang te verbreed en om hul veldtogte uit te brei, gebruik. Onder die SNWs wat op die internet beskikbaar is, het Facebook as die grootste, vinnigste groeiende en gewildste onder die internetgebruikers tussen die ouderdom van 18 en 24 jaar in die wêreld ontstaan. In die verelede het hierdie jaargroep belangeloos teenoor politiek opgetree en was hulle sodoende as die voorheen polities onbetrokke jaargroep erken. Die Amerikaanse president, Barack Obama, het die iv potensiaal van Facebook besef en dit in sy nuwe-media veldtog gedurende die 2008 verkiesing ingesluit. Facebook het Obama in staat gestel om se kiesersomvang te verbreed en om veral met die voorheen polities onbetrokke jaargroep te kommunikeer. Dit het hom ook in staat gestel om ʼn arena te skep waar politieke inligting oor die kandidaat, veldtog en ter saaklike inligting aan Facebook-lede beskikbaar gestel is. Dit het ʼn vloei van kommunikasie tussen Facebook-lede en die president geskep. Arenas waar openbare diskoers kon plaasvind, is ook skep en die potensiaal van Facebook om openbare mening te fasiliteer, is besef. In hierdie studie word die vraag gestel of Facebook, as ‘n SNW, as ‘n genoegsame forum waar openbare diskoers plaasvind en openbare mening as ‘n funksie van openbare diskoers gefasiliteer word, dien. Hierdie studie poog derhalwe om ondersoek in te stel of Facebook, as SNW, as ‘n openbare sfeer erken kan word. Met behulp van die gevallestudie aangaande die 2008 Obama veldtog, blyk dit dat Facebook die potensiaal het om openbare diskoers te fasiliteer. Die idee dat Facebook ʼn fasiliteerder van openbare mening is, word derhalwe deur hierdie studie ondersteun.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Very little attention has been paid in South Africa to the situations where grandmothers have become surrogate parents to their grandchildren and other vulnerable children who have been left destitute due to the HIV/Aids epidemic. These women, who are in great need of support are not directly factored into Aids-related policy and care strategies, even though they play a vital role in assuming the roles of surrogate parents to their grandchildren. Clearly elderly women are valuable resources and are both crucial and valuable for the role they play in the care of both Aids sufferers and Aids orphans. Grandmothers who assume such care-giving roles are not receiving specific and targeted support from government structures. Instead they only benefit peripherally from the legislation within the jurisdiction of Department of Social Development and the programs that are established by them. This study determined where government social and welfare polices can improve the quality of life of black female pensioners who are taking care of their orphaned grandchildren and other vulnerable children. Policy makers need to recognise that grandmothers are increasingly obliged to assume care-giving responsibilities for dying adult children and later for orphans, when their own physical and cognitive abilities may be declining. Instead of using their state pensions to enjoy their old age and spend their money on looking after their health, proper housing etc., black female pensioners are forced to assume additional responsibilities in looking after orphaned grandchildren and other vulnerable children who require food, clothing, proper housing, education etc. Such expenses imply that their pensions are not put to their intended uses. Due to their advanced age they find it increasingly difficult to earn income to support young children. Until now the South African government has done little to support older women who find themselves in such precarious circumstances and to recognise their invaluable contributions. Various recommendations are made in the report to improve this situation. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Baie min aandag is tot dusver nog in Suid-Afrika geskenk aan die omstandighede waar grootmoeders hulself bevind in die posisie van surrogaat ouer vir hul kleinkinders en ander kwesbare kinders wat haweloos gelaat is as gevolg van die HIVNigs epidemie. Hierdie vroue wat ondersteuning dringend nodig het, is nie regstreeks in berekening gebring by die verskeie Vigs beleide en ander versorginstrategiee en maatreels nie, al speel hulle 'n beslissende rol as surrogaat ouers vir hulle kleinkinders. Dit is duidelik dat bejaarde vroue 'n waardevolle hulpbron is en 'n onskatbare en onmisbare rol speel by die versorging van sowel Vigs Iyers as kinders wat weens Vigs ouerloos is. Grootmoeders wat hierdie versorgingsrolle aanvaar, ontvang geen spesifieke en doelgerigte ondersteuning van regeringstrukture nie. Instede daarvan trek hulle net voordeel uit wetgewing binne die jurisdiksie van Department van Openbare Welsyn en die programme wat daaruit mag voortvloei. Hierdie studie het vas gestel hoe die bestaande open bare en welsynsbeleide aangepas kan word om die lewenskwalitiet van swart vroulike pensioenarise wat vir hul ouerlose kleinkinders en ander kwesbare kinders sorg, te verbeter. Beleidmakers moet besef dat grootmoeders toenemend verplig word om om te sien na die versorging van hul eie sterwende volwasse kinders en mettertyd die versoging van dieselfde gestorwenes se kinders wat wees agtergelaat word. Hierdie toedrag van sake ontvou in 'n stadium wanneer hierdie vroue se eie fisiese krag en kognitiewe vaardighede waarskynlik reeds aan die afneem is. Instede daarvan dat hierdie vroue die staatspensioen gebruik om hul oudag te geniet en om te sien na hulle eie gesondheid, behoorlike behuising edm., is swart vroulike pensioenarisse verplig om hierdie beperkte fondse aan te wend vir die versorging, voeding, behuising en onderrig van hul ouerlose kleinkinders en ander kwesbare kinders. Sulke onkostes impliseer dat hul pensioen nie aangewend word vir die doel waarvoor dit ingestel is nie. Weens hul hoe ouderdom is dit vir hierdie vroue al hoe moeiliker om 'n inkomste te genereer om vir jong kinders te sorgo Tot nog toe het die Suid-Afrikaanse regering weinig gedoen om ouer vroue wat hulself in hierdie benarde omstandighede bevind, te ondersteun of om hul onskatbare bydrae te erken. Verskeie voorstelle word in hierdie verslag gemaak om die situasie te verbeter.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Feminist international relations theories stress that global solutions to environmental, social and economic dilemmas will not be accurately diagnosed nor corrected until hierarchal social relations, including gender relations, intrinsic to the global economic and political framework are recognized and altered. How does a feminist interpretation of international relations aid in the adoption of global taxes to benefit women? This study explores the ways a mechanism such as global taxation could be utilized to create a more equitable global political economy. The study is exploratory making use of a qualitative methodology employing secondary data from industries such as tourism, toy production, and textiles. Feminist perspectives on environmental, social, and economic security, rational actor behavior and collectivism facilitate the dialogue which is essential for global tax implementation. The adoption of global taxes has the capability to better the lived experiences of women globally by minimizing poverty and strengthening the working conditions of women worldwide. Proposed carbon taxes and global commons taxes work to redefine environmental security by placing appropriate price indicators on the use of globally used resources. Proposed email taxes, world trade taxes, and currency exchange fee taxes grant the fiscal resources necessary to create greater economic and social security. Chapter One is an analysis of the global political economy. Chapter Two explains the controversial and progressive idea of a global tax administered by the United Nations to deal with the inequity of globalization. Chapter Three focuses on the linkages between the introduction of a global tax and the feminist perspective on the global political economy. Chapter Four summarizes the structural inadequacies of the current economic framework to address the economic and social grievances that global taxes combat. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Feministiese teorieë oor internasionale verhoudinge benadruk die feit dat wêreldwye oplossings vir omgewings-, maatskaplike en ekonomiese probleme nóg akkuraat gediagnoseer nóg reggestel kan word tensy hiërargiese sosiale verhoudinge (waaronder genderverhoudinge), wat onlosmaaklik deel van die wêreldwye ekonomiese en politieke raamwerk is, as sulks erken en verander word. Hoe dra die feministiese interpretasie van internasionale verhoudinge by tot die instelling van wêreldwye belasting wat vroue tot voordeel strek? Hierdie studie ondersoek maniere waarop 'n meganisme soos wêreldwye belasting benut kan word om 'n billiker wêreldwye politieke ekonomie daar te stel. Die studie is ondersoekend van aard en maak gebruik van kwalitatiewe metodes wat sekondêre data uit bedrywe soos toerisme, speelgoedproduksie en die tekstielbedryf gebruik. Feministiese standpunte oor omgewings-, maatskaplike en ekonomiese sekuriteit, rasionele optrede en kollektivisme dra by tot dialoog wat noodsaaklik is vir die instelling van wêreldwye belasting. Danksy die instelling van wêreldwye belasting kan die lewenservaring van vroue wêreldwyd verbeter word deur armoede te beperk en werkstoestande van vroue wêreldwyd te verbeter. Die voorgestelde koolstofbelasting en wêreldmeent-belasting sal bydra tot 'n nuwe benadering in omgewingsbeveiliging deurdat toepaslike prysaanwysers aan die gebruik van wêreldwyd benutte hulpbronne gekoppel word. Die voorgestelde e-posbelasting, wêreldhandelbelasting en belasting op valutagelde sal nodige fiskale middele bied vir die daarstelling van beter ekonomiese en maatskaplike sekuriteit. Hoofstuk 1 is 'n analise van die wêreldwye politieke ekonomie. Hoofstuk 2 is 'n uiteensetting wêreldwye belasting as kontroversiële en progressiewe konsep, wat deur die Verenigde Nasies geadministreer sou word om die wanbalans in globalisasie die hoof te bied. Hoofstuk 3 handel oor die raakpunte tussen die instelling van 'n wêreldwye belasting en die feministiese beskouing van die wêreldwye politieke ekonomie. Hoofstuk 4 bied 'n oorsig oor die strukturele ontoereikendheid van die huidige ekonomiese raamwerk met betrekking tot die ekonomiese en maatskaplike griewe wat wêreldwye belasting sou bekamp.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Land has been a revolutionary metaphor for wealth and power in the world. Ideally, land reform in Africa should contribute to social and economic progress and ultimately result in social equity, as well as increased agricultural productivity. This study is devoted to the history of the land ownership in Southern Africa, as well as the meaning and explanation of land reform programmes after the transition to democracy. Moreover, it is dedicated to familiarising the reader with the various meanings and issues concerning land reform, particularly in South Africa and Zimbabwe. The outcome of the study is to promote further discussion on the need and about the revival of land reform programmes in the region of Southern Africa. In this study, South Africa and Zimbabwe are discussed comparatively with regards to three main areas of land reform: restitution, redistribution and tenure reform. The goal of this study is to gauge the possibility of South Africa following in the footsteps of Zimbabwe in terms of land invasions supported by the government. Zimbabwe faces the painful reality that its political revolutions have only brought them halfway to true independence. The objective for Zimbabwe is to establish a functional socialist economy where decision-making would be under political control so as to bring about the drastic redistribution of wealth from whites to blacks. The fulfilment of the rule of law must become the first priority of the Zimbabwean government. If the government continues to belittle the rule of law, corrupt decisions benefiting only those in support of the government, will continually be made. The importance of land in Zimbabwe did not so much arise from the social and economic inequalities, but rather the inability to access land, accompanied by a growing overpopulation, landlessness, land deterioration and escalating poverty in the black areas. This was further paralleled with severe under-utilisation of land in the white farming areas. South Africa, on the other hand, did make space at an earlier stage of transition in their constitution, for organised and methodical land reform to occur. Unfortunately, this process has taken much slower than first predicted, which has led to unrest among the landless, and those who have made claims for the land. South Africa very recently made some decisions to speed up the land reform process through expropriation if negotiations fail. With the Zimbabwean situation, the issue may not so much be about land in itself, but may reflect the need for employment, especially regarding infrastructure and investment in industrialisation within the rural areas. This study concludes that South Africa, although showing many similar signs of a downward spiral, will not follow the route which Zimbabwe has taken. It would appear that the government of South Africa would not allow land invasions by the landless, organised under the banner the 'Landless Peoples Movement (LPM), as was seen in Zimbabwe with the war veterans. The reason for this is that the South African government has made continuous statements that land invasions will not be tolerated in South Africa, and that they will abide by the legislation set out, when it comes to land reform and restitution. The government has the power to enforce the rule of law if land invasions do start to occur. Although the LPM have a similar manifesto and goal as to the war veterans in Zimbabwe, they seem a lot less militant and ready to work with the government and the people to ensure the best for South Africa's land reform process. This study thus looks at land reform issues that face South Africa and Zimbabwe, and fleshes out ideas as to creating a regional procedure for the best method of land reform for implementation by the South African Development Community. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gesien in die lig dat grond die revolusionêre metafoor van rykdom en mag in die wêreld is, sal dit ideaal wees as grondhervorming tot sosiale en ekonomiese bevordering in Afrika kan bydra en uiteindelik kan lei tot sosiale gelykheid en toename in produktiwiteit in die Landbou-sektor. Hierdie studie is toegewy aan die geskiedenis van grond-eienaarskap in Suider- Afrika, sowel as die betekenis en verduideliking van grondhervormingsprogramme na afloop van die transisie na 'n demokrasie stelsel. Die studie fokus ook daarop om die leser meer in te lig oor die verskeie menings en uitgangspunte rakende grondhervorming in die algemeen, maar meer speisfiek in Suid Afrika en Zimbabwe. Die doel van die studie is om verdere besprekings oor die behoefte en die heroplewing van grondhervormingsprogramme in Suider-Afrika. Suid-Afrika en Zimbabwe word in die studie op drie gronde met mekaar vergelyk: Die teruggawe van grondeiendom, die herverdeling van grondeiendom en die hervorming van besitreg. Die doel van die studie is om te bepaal of Suid-Afrika in die voetspore van Zimbabwe gaan volg. Zimbabwe staar die pynlike realiteit in die oë dat hul politieke revolusies hulle slegs halfpad tot ware onafhanklikheid gebring het. Die doel vir Zimbabwe was om 'n funksionele sosialistiese ekonomiese stelsel daar te stel waar besluitneming onder politieke beheer sou wees om sodanig drastiese herverdeling van rykdom vanaf blankes na swartes, asook onafhanklikheid van kapitaliste, te bewerkstellig. Die belangrikheid van grondbesit het nie werklik in die sosiale en ekonomiese ongelykhede gelê nie, maar in die onvermoë om grond te bekom tesame met 'n toenemende oorbevolkingsyfer, grondloosheid, grondverarming en toenemende armoede in swart gebiede. 'n Bydraende faktor was die groot mate van onderbenutting van grond in blanke boerdery gebiede. Aan die ander kant, het Suid Afrika baie vroeg in die oorgangsfase voorsiening vir 'n georganiseerde en stelselmatige grondhervormingsproses, in die grondwet gemaak. Ongelukkig het die proses baie langer gesloer as wat aanvanklik beplan is. Dit het tot onrustigheid onder die mense wat geen grondeiendom besit het nie en dié wat grondeise ingedien het, gelei. Suid Afrika het onlangs besluite geneem om die proses te bespoedig deur 'n paar belangrike besluite te neem, om die grondhervormings proses, vinniger te maak Dit word gedoen deur ekspropriasie as onderhandelinge onsuksesvol is. Soos in Zimbabwe, mag die werklike probleem nie slegs oor geondbesit gaan nie. Dit reflekteer die behoefte aan werkverskaffing, veral in die infrastruktuur van arm gebiede en die investering industrialisasie. Alhoewel dit lyk asof Suid-Afrika nie suksesvol in die herverdeling van grond is nie, kom die studie tot die slotsom dat die land nie in die spore van Zimbabwe sal volg nie. Dit kom voor asof die Suid-Afrikaanse owerheid nie sal toelaat dat mense sonder grondbesit, grond onregmatig inneem soos in Zimbabwe nie, omdat hulle 'n punt in die media daarvan gemaak het. Die owerheid het die mag om die wet toe te pas in situasies waar grond onregmatig ingeneem word. Alhowel die LPM ("Landless Peoples Movement") 'n soortgelyke manifes en doelstellings as die oorlogveterane van Zimbabwe het, blyk dit nie asof hulle so militaristies is nie en dat hulle gereed is om saam met die owerheid en mense te werk sodat die hervormingsproses in die beste belange van Suid-Afrika plaasvind. Hierdie studie kyk dus na die grondhervormingsproses in Zimbabwe en Suid Afrika en vorm idees rondom die skepping van 'n uniforme proses wat die beste hervormingsmetode is vir die gebruik van die Suid-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This assignment investigates the bargaining relationship between multinational corporations (MNCs) and developing countries. The units of analysis of this study in Global Political Economy are MNCs (non-state actors) and nation-states. In the contemporary global production structure the 'balance of power' between MNCs and developing countries has shifted in favour of MNCs. Descriptive secondary sources were used to illustrate the MNC-State bargaining relationship in telecommunications privatisation in Sub-Saharan Africa. In the contemporary global economy nation-states only rarely still compete for territory, but rather for wealth-creating activities to be located within their borders. Important changes in the global production structure have resulted in the increased mobility and economic power of MNCs. These developments have affected the strategic relationship between MNCs and nation-states and the former have used their advantage to gain preferential treatment in the bargaining process. The nation-states are also competing amongst themselves for the investment and technology and knowledge transfers from these firms. Privatisation programmes in Sub-Saharan Africa have substantially increased MNC participation on the continent, which has been historically marginalised from global foreign direct investment receipts. Research has shown that MNC participation in infrastructure service provision is more efficient than government ownership. However, this does not constitute a loss of sovereignty, but rather emphasises the changing role of nation-states as facilitators of global market relations. On examination, the distinct bargaining relationship in telecommunications privatisation clearly illustrates the dependence of Sub-Saharan African countries on technologically advanced MNCs. Thus, the 'balance of power' has shifted more to MNCs in the global political economy. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingswerkstuk ondersoek die bedingingsverhouding tussen multinasionale korporasies (MNKs) en ontwikkelende lande. Die ondersoekeenhede in die studie van die Globale Politieke Ekonomie is MNKs (nie-staatrolspelers) en regeringstate. In die huidige globale produksiestruktuur het die mag tussen MNKs en ontwikkelende lande verander sodat die MNKs nou die magsoorwig het. Beskrywende sekondêre bronne is gebruik om die MNK-regeringstaat se bedingingsverhouding in telekommunikasie privatisering in Sub-Sahara Afrika te illustreer. In die teenswoordige globale ekonomie kompeteer regeringstate selde met mekaar om territoriale mag, maar oorwegend om welvaartskeppende bedrywe binne hul grense aan te moedig. Belangrike veranderings in die globale produksiestruktuur het MNKs se mobiliteit en ekonomiese mag verhoog. Hierdie ontwikkelinge het die strategiese verhouding tussen MNKs en regeringstate verander. MNKs gebruik hierdie invloed om voordeel te trek uit regeringstate wat kompeteer vir belegging en die tegnologie- en kennisoordrag van hierdie korporasies. Privatiseringsprogramme in Sub-Sahara Afrika het MNK-deelname op die kontinent verhoog, wat histories gemarginaliseer is van buitelandse direkte belegging. Navorsing dui daarop dat MNKs se deelname in infrastruktuurdienslewering meer doeltreffend is, as wanneer dit onder staatsbeheer is. Dit lei egter nie tot 'n verlies aan soeweriniteit nie, maar beklemtoon die regeringstaat se veranderde rol as fasiliteerder van globale markverhoudinge. Die ondersoek na die uitsonderlike bedingingsverhouding in die privatisering van telekommunikasie beklemtoon Sub-Sahara Afrika se afhanklikheid van tegnologies-ontwikkelde MNKs. Die magsbalans het gevolglik na die MNKs oorskuif in die globale politieke ekonomie.