Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since feminist approaches to international relations (IR) first made their appearance in the late 1980s, efforts to explain the 'gender gap' have proliferated. Gender studies within IR in particular have been focused on foreign policy opinion, seeking to discover whether men and women have different views on foreign policy simply due to the fact that they are of different genders. The correlate of this is that if women believe differently than men, in which way do they believe differently and if this were then taken to its logical end, what would happen if they were more equally responsible for foreign policy decision-making? As an illustration of the varying approaches to feminist IR, this research project undertakes a brief overview of the history of feminist IR, showing how the tools and language of traditional IR do not encompass the needs of feminist IR study. The research article then reviews the literature of gender, feminism and foreign policy beliefs and behavior, examining its research core and evolution to date. Three research questions are covered. Firstly, is gender a relevant variable in foreign policy analysis? Secondly, if yes, does it make a difference to the foreign policy beliefs of women? Thirdly, where women play a significant role in foreign policy decisionmaking, are countries more pacific on the international level? Dealt with separately, foreign policy beliefs are found to have a clear gender-based breakdown. Foreign policy behavior is less simple to approach since the dataset of countries led by women during international disputes is limited. The research project and literature review also looks forward, pointing toward the future, not only of gender and foreign policy studies but also to the implications that future developments in feminist IR may have for the study of IR. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Pogings om die geslagsgaping te verduidelik het vermenigvuldig sedert die feministiese benadering tot Internasionale Verhoudinge die eerste keer in die laat 1980's sy verskyning gemaak het. Geslagstudies binne Internasionale Verhoudinge het veral gefokus op opinies oor buitelandse beleid om sodoende vas te stelof mans en vroue verskillende sienings oor buitelandse beleid huldig bloot as gevolg van die feit dat hulle verskillende geslagte is. Die keersy hiervan is dat indien vroue anders glo as mans, op watter manier hulle anders glo, en - indien dit dan tot 'n logiese uiteinde gevoer word - wat sou gebeur indien daar meer gelyke verantwoordelikheid vir buitelandse beleidsbesluite sou wees. As 'n illustrasie van die verskillende benaderings tot feministiese Internasionale Verhoudinge, onderneem hierdie navorsingsprojek 'n oorsig van die geskiedenis van feministiese Internasionale Verhoudinge om sodoende te toon dat die gereedskap en taal van tradisionele Internasionale Verhoudinge nie aan die behoeftes van feministiese Internasionale Verhoudingstudies voldoen nie. Hierdie navorsingsartikel gee dan 'n oorsig oor geslagsliteratuur, feminisme en buitelandse beleidsopinies en -gedrag deur sy navorsingskern en evolusie tot datum te ondersoek. Drie navorsingsvrae word behandel. Eerstens, is geslag 'n relevante veranderlike in buitelandse beleidsanalise? Tweedends, indien ja, veranderdit die buitelandse beleidsopinies van vroue? Derdens, is lande meer passief op internasionale vlak waar vroue 'n wesentlike rol in buitelandse beleidsbesluitneming speel? Afsonderlik beskou, is daar gevind dat daar 'n duidelike geslagsonderskeid in buitelandse beleidsopinies is. Dis egter minder eenvoudig om buitelandse beleidsgedrag te bestudeer, aangesien slegs beperkte inligting oor lande wat gedurende internasionale dispute deur vroue beheer is beskikbaar is. Die navorsingsprojek en literatuuroorsig kyk ook vorentoe met spesifieke verwysing na die toekoms van nie net geslag en buitelandse beleidstudies nie, maar ook na die implikasies wat toekomstige verwikkelinge In feministiese Internasionale Verhoudinge 'n vir die studie van tradisionele Internasionale Verhoudinge kan hê.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The point of departure for this study was the wide-ranging furore in media publications regarding the pervasive decline in donor funding for civil society organisations in South Africa, as influenced by the recent global financial crisis, and the subsequent shutting down of a number of civil society organisations. The decision to embark on this study has its roots in the fact that civil society is an important feature in a democracy with regards to government responsiveness, accountability as well as citizen participation in democratic governance. In South Africa, particularly, this is important in light of the country’s fledgling democracy, and even more so, when considering the ruling party’s overwhelming political power resulting in a dominant party system. The aim of this study was to find out what accounts for the plummet in donor funding, and the overriding question guiding this study was: Has the global financial crisis influenced civil society in South Africa? The broader question asked was: What are the challenges facing civil society organisations in South Africa? This study aims to assist in the evaluation of the potential role that civil society has played and continues to play in South Africa’s young democracy and what the implications would be for democracy if civil society organisations were hampered in these roles and continued to close offices. This study is explorative in nature and relied on qualitative data obtained from in-depth interviews conducted with two prominent South African non-governmental organisations; namely the Institute for Democracy and the Treatment Action Campaign. A key informant was selected and interviewed from each organisation. The findings of the interviews were operationalised through the lenses of Andrew Heywood’s (2007) conceptual theoretical framework, which puts forward five resources that civil society organisations need in order to exert their influence. While acknowledging the importance of all five resources, this study pays particular attention to financial resources received through international donor funding, for without financial resources it is difficult for an organisation to survive. The findings of the interviews and the conclusions drawn underscored four realities: firstly that the decrease in funding is not limited to the organisations examined in this study, but civil society as a whole. The second reality rests on the fact that the global financial crisis has indeed influenced the Institute for Democracy and the Treatment Action Campaign in ways that are a cause for a concern, not only for the survival of the organisation, but also for the durability of South Africa’s young and at times fragile democracy. The third reality points to other challenges that have influenced donor funding, such as South Africa’s middle income status, a shift in donor orientation and focus and donor-specific problems. The fourth reality that was pointed out thrust this study into the conclusion that financial resources are the essential life-blood of civil society organisations. In light of the role that civil society plays in a democracy, the findings in this study point to a concerning trend in South Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die aanvangspunt van hierdie studie is die omvangrykende mediadekking aangaande die wydverspreide afname in donateursbefondsing vir burgerlike samelewingorganisasies in Suid-Afrika. Hierdie afname is beïnvloed deur die onlangse globale finansiële krisis en het tot gevolg die ontbinding van ʼn aantal burgerlike samelewingorganisasies. Die besluit om met hierdie studie te begin het sy oorsprong in die feit dat die burgerlike samelewing ʼn belangrike kenmerk van demokrasie is veral met betrekking tot regeringsresponsiwiteit, aanspreeklikheid sowel as die deelname van burgers aan ʼn demokratiese regering. In Suid-Afrika is dit belangrik, veral met die oog op die land se jong demokrasie en nog meer wanneer die heersende party se oorweldigende politiese mag in ag geneem word en dat dit tot ʼn dominante partystelsel lei. Die doel van hierdie studie is om vas te stel wat die oorsaak van die daling in skenkersfondse is. Die rigtinggewende vraag vir die studie was: het die wêreldwye finansiële krisis die burgerlike samelewing in Suid-Afrika beïnvloed? Die studie beoog om by te dra tot die evaluasie van die potensiële rol wat burgerlike samelewing in Suid-Afrika se jong demokrasie gespeel het, en steeds speel, en wat die implikasies vir demokrasie sou wees indien burgerlike samelewingorganisasies se rol bemoeilik word en verplig word om nog meer van hulle kantore te sluit. Die studie is ondersoekend van aard en het staatgemaak op kwalitatiewe data wat verkry is deur in-diepte onderhoude met twee vooraanstaande Suid-Afrikaanse nie-regeringsorganisasies te voer naamlik die Instituut vir Demokrasie en die ‘Treatment Action Campaign’. ’n Gesaghebbende segsman uit elke organisasie is gekies vir die onderhoude. Die bevindings is geoperasionaliseer deur die lense van Andrew Heywood (2007) se konseptuele teoretiese raamwerk wat aanvoer dat daar vyf hulpbronne is wat burgerlike organisasies nodig het om hulle invloed te laat geld. Terwyl die waarde van al vyf hulpbronne erken word, skenk hierdie studie in die besonder aandag aan die finansiële hulpbronne wat van internasionale skenkersfondse ontvang word omdat burgerlike organisasies beswaarlik daarsonder kan oorleef. Die bevindinge van die onderhoude en die gevolgtrekkings wat gemaak is beaam vier realiteite: eerstens dat die daling in befondsing nie beperk is tot die organisasies wat aan die studie deelgeneem het nie, maar burgerlike samelewing as ʼn geheel. Die tweede realiteit berus by die feit dat die globale finansiële krisis inderdaad die Instituut van Demokrasie en die ‘Treatment Action Campaign’ op kommerwekkende maniere beïnvloed het, nie net in terme van die organisasies se oorlewing nie, maar ook in terme van die behoud van Suid-Afrika se jong en soms brose demokrasie. Die derde realiteit dui op ander uitdagings wat skenkersfondse beïnvloed het soos Suid-Afrika se middel inkomstestatus, ʼn fokusverskuiwing van skenkingsgeoriënteerdheid tot skenker-spesifieke probleme. Die vierde realiteit wat uitgewys is dwing die studie om tot die gevolgtrekking te kom dat finansiële hulpbronne ʼn noodsaaklikheid vir die behoud van burgerlike gemeenskapsorganisasies is. In die lig van die rol wat burgerlike gemeenskap in demokrasie speel, is die bevindings van die studie kommerwekkend.

Thesis (DPhil))--University of Stellenbosch, 2005 / ENGLISH ABSTRACT:The post-Cold War era has witnessed a renewed interest in global political transformation and the possibility of the emergence of a new global order. There are, however, widespread disagreements within the field of International Relations (IR) about the significance of the discontinuities of our age, which include the emergence of centres of economic and political power that erode state autonomy and sovereignty. While some theorists argue that these changes are largely insignificant, others regard them as potential harbingers of a fundamentally different future political system. The study of change in IR is thus marked by considerable confusion and hampered by a number of shortcomings. One of the main deficiencies in the existing transformnation literature has been the mainstream approaches' reluctance to concede that the study of change is an unavoidably nonnative endeavour. Additionally, much work on change has focused on the role that material factors play in facilitating change, while the role of ideational factors has been disregarded. This has lead to an incomplete and distorted view of the process of change. Lastly, guidelines by which one might evaluate and choose between contending approaches to change are sorely lacking. These issues are addressed in this study by means of an evaluation of the work of three selected authors (Alexander Wendt, John Ruggie and Robert Cox) whose combined contributions can assist us in developing a more comprehensive theory of global political transformnation. It is contended that, in order for the study of change in IR to progress, scholars need to recognise the inherently nonnative nature of the undertaking, and be explicit about their nonnative assumptions. Furthermore, clarity needs to be reached with regard to the materialism-idealism debate. The argument made is that a middle ground approach, which aims to transcend the false dichotomy between material and ideational factors, is required. In fact, it is maintained that not only is a conciliatory approach conducive to progressing the study of change in terms of the materialism-idealism debate, but that such an approach of theoretical engagement and bridge building will also contribute generally to developing a more thorough understanding of global change. Finally, if we want to make progress in IR thinking about change, we need to develop some criteria to determine which authors can assist us best. Subsequently it is proposed that a satisfactory approach to the study of change in IR should, at a minimum, fulfil the following requirements. It should (I) aim to transcend the false dichotomy between materialism and idealism; (2) be explicit about its nonnative position; (3) limit nonnative visions to what constitutes viable alternatives global political systems; and (4) identify sources of change and include a proposed plan.of action of how to achieve nonnative goals. In light of the above criteria, it is also contended that progressive global political transformation does not, as some transformative authors suggest, have to entail the demise of the state. It is quite possible that emancipatory change can take place within the confines of the Westphalian system. In summary, this study hopes to make some contribution to what is a vastly complex topic that of change in and of the global political system - by addressing three shortcomings identified in the existing change literature: the fact that the role of ideas and the nonnative implications of change have been sorely neglected, and the need for criteria by which one might choose between contending nonnative projects. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING:In die post-Koue Oorlogera het daar 'n hernieude belangstelling in globale politieke transformasie en die moontlikheid van die totstandkoming van 'n nuwe globale orde ontstaan. Daar is egter gewigtige verskille binne die veld van Internasionale Betrekkinge (IB) oor die belang van huidige veranderings soos die ontstaan van sentra van ekonomiese en politieke mag, wat state se outonomiteit en soewereiniteit bedreig. Terwyl sommige skrywers beweer dat hierdie veranderings grootliks onbeduidend is, sien ander hulle as potensiële aanduidings van 'n fundamenteel nuwe politieke stelsel. Die studie van verandering in IB word dus gekenmerk deur aansienlike verwarring en word belemmer deur 'n aantal tekortkominge. Een van die vernaamste gebreke in die bestaande transformasie literatuur is die hoofstroom benaderings se onwilligheid om toe te staan dat die studie van verandering 'n onvermydelik normatiewe paoing oor verandering gedoen is op die rol wat materiële faktore speel in die fasilitering van verandering, terwyl die rol van idees en norme verontagsaam word. Dit het gelei tot 'n onvolledige en verwronge beeld van die veranderingsproses. Laastens is riglyne waarvolgens wedywerende benaderings tot verandering geëvalueer sou kon word, afwesig. Die kwessies word in hierdie studie aangespreek deur middel van 'n evaluering van die werk van drie geselekteerde outeurs (Alexander Wendt, John Ruggie en Robert Cox) wie se gesamentlike bydraes 'n beduidende bydrae kan lewer tot die ontwikkeling van 'n meer omvattende teorie van globale politieke transformasie. Daar word beweer dat, ten einde vordering in die studie van verandering te bewerkstellig, teoretici die inherent normatiewe aard van die poging moet herken, en eksplisiet moet wees oor hul normatiewe aannames. Verder moet daar duidelikheid bereik word ten opsigte van die materialisme-idealisme debat. Die argument wat gemaak word is dat 'n middeweg benadering, wat ten doel stel om die valse digotomie tussen die materiële en die ideële te oorkom, benodig word. Daar word verder geargumenteer dat so 'n konsilierende benadering nie net bevorderlik is vir vooruitgang in die studie van verandering in terme van die materialisme-idealisme debat nie, maar dat 'n benadering wat gegrond is op teoretiese bemiddeling ook in 'n algemene sin voordelig is vir 'n meer deeglike begrip van globale verandering. Laastens, indien vooruitgang in huidige denke oor verandering bewerkstellig wil word, is dit noodsaaklik om kriteria te ontwikkel ten einde te bepaal watter outeurs se werk as grondslag vir verdere teoretisering moet dien. Op grand hiervan word voorgestel dat 'n bevredigende benadering tot die studie van verandering in IB ten minste aan die volgende voorwaardes moet voldoen: dit behoort (I) daarna te streef om die valse digotomie tussen materialisme en idealisme te oorbrug; (2) eksplisiet te wees oor die normatiewe aannames wat gemaak word; (3) normatiewe visies te beperk tot lewensvatbare alternatiewe globale politieke stelsels; en (4) bronne van verandering te identifiseer en 'n voorgestelde plan van aksie in te sluit oao hoe normatiewe doelwitte bereik kan word. In die lig van bogenoemde kriteria word daar ook geargumenteer dat progressiewe globale politieke transformasie nie, soos wat sommige transformasie skrywers suggereer, noodwendig die ondergang van die staat behels nie. Dit is moontlik dat emansiperende verandering binne die beperkings van die statestelsel kan plaasvind. Opsommend stel hierdie studie ten doel om 'n bydrae te lewer tot 'n uiters komplekse tema-naamlik verandering in en van die globale politieke stelsel - deur drie tekortkominge wat in die bestaande literatuur geïdentifiseer is, aan te spreek: die feit dat die rol van idees en die normatiewe implikasies van verandering grootliks verwaarloos is, en die behoefte aan kriteria waarvolgens daar tussen wedywerende normatiewe projekte gekies kan word.

Thesis (DPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation aims to establish the reasons underlying possible gendered attrition trends in the South African medical profession between 1996 and 2005. Noting the international trend of the increasing feminisation of medical education and the profession, the dissertation illustrates that this is also a reality in our national context, and frames this phenomenon as being plagued by difficulties very similar to those encountered in other traditionally male-dominated fields. The particular relevance for further research and debate is illustrated through the noticed discrepancy between women’s representation in enrolment and graduation at medical schools in South Africa, and their representation in the profession itself. The decision to approach this investigation from a feministorganisational perspective was based on the fact that this would not only be a novel, but indeed also an appropriate, research approach to the study of gendered trends in medical education and the profession within the South African context. The research project thus sets out three main objectives relevant to this investigation. Objective 1 aims to establish the sex composition of the cohort of medical graduates that have not entered, or decided to exit, the medical profession. In terms of this objective, findings show an increasing rate of progression of men into the profession, accompanied by a decreasing rate of progression of women into the profession. Objective 2 attempts to establish the reasons behind sex trends in South African medical schools and in the profession. Thus, in an effort to comprehensively investigate the issues underlying attrition, I employ a mixed-methods approach to the primary data collection and analysis. Firstly, the findings show, through a quantitative analysis of the interview data, that this sample of women felt that both institutional and societal factors influenced a women doctor’s propensity to remain in the profession. Secondly, it is established that whether these respondents felt that they had appropriate role models in the profession was the most important factor in terms of their identification with, and propensity to stay in, the profession. Thirdly, it was also found that the respondents felt strongly that the culture of the medical profession impacts negatively on a woman doctor’s propensity to stay in the profession, but similar to the findings of other studies, this does not bring us closer to an understanding of what that culture constitutes. Thus, lastly, through a qualitative analysis of the interview data I find that the respondents clearly recognise the presence of a gendered substructure in medicine in the South African context, and identify some elements of this structure as most commonly linked to attrition. Objective 3, based on the outcomes of the previous objectives, aims to provide recommendations for the retention of medical doctors in general, and women doctors specifically, in the South African context. It concludes that flexibility1 in the medical profession is paramount to the retention of doctors, and women doctors specifically. This is a difficult challenge to overcome, as central values such as the importance of continuity of care in the medical profession would suggest that providing increased flexibility to medical doctors would impact negatively on patient care. However, it appears that there is increasing recognition amongst scholars, policy makers and medical practitioners themselves of the importance of acknowledging alternative work patterns. On the basis of the outcomes of my research, it is clear that the national gender attrition trends are a cause for concern in terms of resourcing the National Health System against the backdrop of a widely acknowledged shortage of doctors in South Africa and elsewhere. If women doctors do not progress effectively into the system, but form the majority of graduates, this is a tragic loss, as well as a waste of resources during training. This aspect also has policy implications, because it appears that the government, in trying to retain doctors, has increasingly turned to measures that are restrictive (compulsory community service, restrictions on foreign doctors), rather than focusing on ways in which to make doctors want to stay. The dissertation thus closes by suggesting two main areas within which these findings and recommendations would be employed most usefully: 1) medical schools/ training/education, and 2) the medical profession/culture. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie proefskrif het ten doel om die redes onderliggende aan geslagsverskille in die verlies van vroue uit die Suid-Afrikaanse mediese beroep tussen 1996 en 2005 vas te stel. Die internasionale tendens van die toenemende vervrouliking van mediese opleiding en die mediese beroep wys dat dit ook ‘n realiteit in die Suid-Afrikaanse nasionale konteks is. Hierdie verskynsel word veroorsaak deur probleme soortgelyk aan dié wat in ander, tradisioneel manlik gedomineerde beroepe ondervind word. Die spesifieke relevansie vir verdere navorsing en debat word geïllustreer deur die aangetoonde proporsionele verskil tussen vroue se inskrywing en graduering in mediese skole in Suid-Afrika, en hul verteenwoordiging in die beroep self. Die besluit om hierdie ondersoek uit ‘n feministies-organisatoriese perspektief te benader, is nie net omdat dit ‘n oorspronklike benadering sou wees nie, maar ook gepas vir ‘n studie van geslagstendense in die mediese onderwys en professie binne die Suid- Afrikaans konteks. Die navorsingsprojek bevestig dus drie hoofdoelstellings wat relevant tot hierdie ondersoek is. Doelstelling een probeer om die geslagsamestelling van die kohort van mediese gegradueerdes wat nie tot die beroep toegetree het nie, of dié wat besluit het om die beroep te verlaat, te bepaal. Daar is bevind dat daar ‘n verhoogde koers van vordering van mans tot die beroep is, gepaardgaande met ‘n verlaagde koers van vordering van vroue tot die beroep. Doelstelling twee probeer om die redes onderliggende aan die geslagstendense in die mediese skool en die beroep vas te stel. Dus, om ‘n omvattende ondersoek te doen om uit te vind wat onderliggend aan die verlies is, het ek van ‘n gemengde metode benadering tot data insameling en analise gebruik gemaak. Die resultate van die onderhoud data wys dat hierdie vroue voel dat beide institusionele en sosiale faktore ‘n vroulike dokter se besluit om in die beroep te bly, beïnvloed. Tweedens is daar vasgestel dat geskikte rolmodelle in die beroep die belangrikste faktor is in vroue se identifikasie met die beroep, en hulle besluit om in die beroep te bly. Derdens is gevind dat die respondente baie sterk voel dat die kultuur van die mediese beroep ’n negatiewe impak het op ‘n vroulike dokter se besluit om in die beroep te bly, maar soos ook in ander studies bevind is, bring dit ons nie nader aan ‘n begrip van die aard van die kultuur nie. Ten slotte is daar dus met die onderhoud data gevind dat die respondente duidelik bewus is van die teenwoordigheid van ‘n geslagsubstruktuur in die mediese beroep in Suid-Afrika. Ek identifiseer ook sekere elemente van hierdie struktuur wat bydra tot die verlies van vroulike dokters uit die mediese beroep. Doelstelling drie, gebaseer op die uitkomste van die vorige doelstellings, probeer om aanbevelings te maak vir die behoud van mediese dokters in die algemeen, en vroulike dokters spesifiek. Die gevolgtrekking is dat buigsaamheid in die werkskultuur van die mediese beroep van kardinale belang is vir die behoud van dokters in die algemeen, en vroulike dokters meer spesifiek. Dit is ‘n moeilike uitdaging om te oorkom omdat sentrale waardes, soos die belang van kontinuïteit van versorging in die beroep, persepsies laat ontstaan dat meer buigsaamheid in werksomstandighede ‘n negatiewe impak op die versorging van pasiënte sou hê. Dit blyk egter ook dat daar ‘n toenemende erkenning is deur akademici, beleidsontwerpers en mediese praktisyns self van die belang van alternatiewe werkspatrone. Gebaseer op die resultate van die ondersoek is dit duidelik dat die nasionale geslagsverliestendense ‘n rede tot kommer vir die verskaffing van menslike hulpbronne vir die nasionale gesondheidstelsel is, veral teen die agtergrond van ‘n algemeen erkende tekort aan dokters in Suid-Afrika. As vroulike dokters nie effektief in die stelsel opgeneem word nie, hoewel hulle die meerderheid van gegradueerdes is, is dit ‘n tragiese verlies en vermorsing van hulpbronne wat vir opleiding gebruik is. Dit het ook implikasies vir beleid omdat dit blyk dat die Suid-Afrikaanse regering, in sy pogings om dokters te behou, meermale maatreëls gebruik wat perke stel (verpligte gemeenskapsdiens, beperkings vir buitelandse dokters, ens.), waar hulle eerder behoort te fokus op maniere om dokters in Suid-Afrika te hou. Ten slotte stel die proefskrif twee hoofareas voor waarin hierdie bevindings en aanbevelings aangewend kan word: 1) mediese skole/opleiding/onderwys, en 2) die mediese beroep/kultuur.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The development of the global biotechnology industry largely coincided with the development of the US biotechnology industry. This resulted in this industry's oligopolistic and centralised nature where only a few multinational chemical and pharmaceutical companies control most biotechnology processes and production of commodities emanating from these processes. The governance of biotechnology has, until recently, been dominated by state actors who have endeavoured to secure national interests, including those of large multinational corporations (MNCs) based within their boundaries. The technological ability of developed states to exploit and use unevenly distributed resources to their advantage means that an uneven relationship exists between these and poor developing countries. This has been highlighted by differences in public opinion about the role and application of biotechnology in society. While some opinions favour the use and application of biotechnology to enhance food supplies and boost production levels and trade, other opinions caution against the possible hazards that genetically manipulated organisms (GMOs) hold for the environment and human existence. The commercialisation of biotechnology has resulted in the exponential growth of genetically manipulated crops in especially the United States and countries like Argentina and Canada. These countries produce large surpluses of staple grains such as corn and soya and try to sell these to countries with food supply problems. The clash in commercial interests stemming from developed countries' insistence on the protection of intellectual property rights (IPR) on genetically manipulated (GM) seeds has caused considerable conflict with poor farmers who will not be able to sustain their livelihoods if they cannot save seeds for future harvests. This is one aspect of the problems surrounding the protection of knowledge products that is exacerbated by the scientific uncertainty pertaining to the risk involved with biotechnology. While some observers agitate for precaution with the use of GMOs, others feel that a lack of scientific proof of harm is sufficient grounds for proceeding with developments in biotechnology. Conversely, there are some that feel that biotechnology is market driven instead of human needs driven, ultimately resulting in developing countries receiving very little benefit from it. The Cartagena Protocol on biosafety was drafted to address some of the difficulties involved with the transboundary movement of GMOs. Although it holds very specific advantages for developing countries, as a regulatory framework it is limited in its scope and application. Developing countries are limited in their policy options to address their need to protect biodiversity and secure their food supply. This means that considerable challenges and constraints await these countries in utilising global governance of public goods and building their human and technological capacities. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die ontwikkeling van die globale biotegnologie-industrie het grootliks saamgeval met die ontwikkeling van die Verenigde State se biotegnologie-industrie. Dit het aanleiding gegee tot hierdie industrie se oligopolistiese en gesentraliseerde aard waar slegs enkele multinasionale chemiese en farmaseutiese maatskappye die meeste biotegnologie prosesse en die vervaardiging van kommoditeite uit daardie prosesse beheer. Die regering van biotegnologie was tot onlangs oorheers deur staatsakteurs wie gepoog het om nasionale belange te beskerm, insluitend die belange van multinasionale korporasies (MNK) wat vanuit hulle grondgebied funksioneer. Die tegnologiese vermoë van ontwikkelde state om oneweredig verspreide hulpbronne tot eie gewin te benut beteken dat 'n ongelyke verhouding bestaan tussen hierdie en arm ontwikkelende state. Dit word beklemtoon deur verskille in openbare mening oor die rol en aanwending van biotegnologie in die samelewing. Terwyl sekere opinies ten gunste van die aanwending van biotegnologie vir die verbetering van voedselbronne en produksievlakke en handel is, dui ander opinies op die moontlike gevare wat geneties gemanipuleerde organismes (GMOs) vir die omgewing en menslike voortbestaan inhou. Die kommersialisering van biotegnologie het gelei tot die eksponensiële groei van geneties gemanipuleerde gewasse in veral die Verenigde State en state soos Argentinië en Kanada. Hierdie state produseer groot hoeveelhede stapelgrane soos mielies en soja en poog om dit te verkoop aan state met voedselvoorsieningsprobleme. Die botsing in kommersiële belange wat spruit uit ontwikkelde state se aandrang op die beskerming van intellektuele eiendomsreg op geneties gemanipuleerde saad veroorsaak beduidende konflik met arm landbouers wie nie hulle lewensonderhoud kan verseker as hulle nie saad kan berg vir toekomstige saaiseisoene nie. Dit is een aspek van die problematiek rondom die beskerming van kennisprodukte wat vererger word deur die wetenskaplike onsekerheid wat gepaard gaan met die risiko's van biotegnologie. Terwyl sekere waarnemers vir waaksaamheid pleit in die gebruik van GMOs, is daar ander wat voel dat 'n gebrek aan wetenskaplike bewyse van skade genoegsame gronde is vir die voortsetting van ontwikkelings in biotegnologie. Insgelyks is daar diegene wat meen dat biotegnologie markgedrewe in plaas van menslike behoefte gedrewe is, wat uiteindelik daartoe lei dat ontwikkelende state baie min voordeel daaruit trek. Die Kartagena Protokoloor bioveiligheid is opgestel om van die probleme betrokke by die oorgrens verskuiwing van GMOs aan te spreek. Hoewel dit spesifieke voordele vir ontikkelende state inhou is dit as reguleringsraamwerk beperk in omvang en aanwending. Ontwikkelende state het beperkte beleidsopsies om hulle behoefte om biodiversiteit te beskerm en voedselvoorsiening te verseker, aan te spreek. Dit beteken dat beduidende uitdagings en beperkings hierdie state in die benutting van globale regering van openbare goedere vir die bou van menslike en tegnologiese kapasiteite in die gesig staar.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In this study the aim is to examine what the impact of the imbalance in the power dynamics between the state, business and labour is on corporatist institutions in South Africa and South Korea. In both countries, the corporatist institutions have failed to bring the actors together and to resolve the various issues as these institutions were expected to do. When looking at the establishment of corporatist institutions in the two countries it is clear that the state had to incorporate the interests of labour in their decision-making process due to the increasing power of labour during the democratisation process. However, the current situation proves that the corporatist institutions in South Africa and South Korea have faced various problems. Therefore why the corporatist institutions in the two countries have not functioned properly is explored in this study. It was found that labour has been placed at a disadvantage compared to the state and business. The influence of labour as an agenda setter and a representative of labour has diminished. On the other hand the state and business, which used to form a coalition under the authoritarian governments, have started gaining power along with globalisation. The adoption of neo-liberal economic policies, has resulted in the fragmentation of labour, generating unemployment and irregular jobs. The imbalance of power between the actors has negatively affected the corporatist institutions. Under the circumstances, the corporatist institutions did not ensure that the voice of labour was heard and heeded. Instead of using corporatism, labour in South Africa tends to use the tripartite alliance in order to advance its interests. Labour in South Korea is likely to use mass action, and this tendency prevails in South Africa as well. Also, the corporatist institutions have been criticised due to their lack of accountability and institutional problems; this has negatively affected their credibility. The corporatist institutions have become little more than names. In the cases of South Africa and South Korea, corporatism seems to have been adopted as a mere crisis response when the two countries faced political economic crises and it is seen as another control mechanism created by states experiencing democratisation. Furthermore, the imbalance in the relationship between actors negatively affected the corporatist institutions and in the end they collapsed. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In hierdie studie word die impak van die magsbalans tussen die staat, sakesektor en georganiseerde arbeid op korporatisme in Suid-Afrika en Suid-Korea ondersoek. In beide gevalle het die korporatiewe instellings nie daarin geslaag om die nodige konsensus tussen die drie sleutel akteurs te bewerkstellig nie. As gevolg van demokratiseringsprosesse in beide state, en die toenemende invloed van arbeid, was die staat verplig om die belange van arbeid in besluitnemingsprosesse in ag te neem. Die korporatiewe instellings in Suid-Afrika, nl. NEDLAC en die KTC in Suid-Korea staar egter verskeie probleme in die gesig, Waarom die korporatiewe instellings nie behoorlik gefunksioneer het nie, word in die studie onder die loep geneem. Arbeid het in ‘n onderdanige posisie jeens die staat en die sake sektor te staan gekom aangesien die invloed van georganiseerde arbeid as ‘n agenda skepper en verteenwoordiger van arbeid afgeneem het. Aan die ander kant het die aanvanklike koalisie tussen die staat en die sakesektor gedurende die outoritere periodes - voor demokratisering - weer eens verstewig as gevolg van die invloed van globalisering. Namate neo-liberale ekonomiese beleide nagevolg is, het die vakbond beweging al meer gedisintegreer, werkloosheid het toegeneem en gelei tot werksgeleenthede wat al meer tydelik en ongereguleer is. Die ongelyke magsbalans tussen die rolspelers het die korporatistiese instellings negatief beinvloed. Onder die omstandighede, kon die korporatistiese instellings nie daarin slaag om aan die stem van arbeid gehoor te gee soos wat gehoop is nie. In plaas daarvan om dus van die korporatistiese instellings gebruik te maak, het arbeid in Suid-Afrika eerder van die vakbond beweging se rol in die regerende alliansie gebruik gemaak om beleid te probeer beinvloed. Arbeid in Suid-Korea, soos in Suid-Afrika, is ook meer geneig om van massa aksie gebruik te maak. Daarbenewens is die korporatiewe instellings daarvan beskuldig dat hulle nie deursigtig is nie en gebuk gaan onder institutionele gebreke, wat die geloofwaardigheid van die instellings ondermyn het. In die Suid-Afrikaanse en Suid-Koreaanse gevalle blyk dit dat korporatisme bloot as ‘n soort ‘krisis reaksie’ tot ekonomiese en politieke probleme ontwikkel het – in samehang met demokratisering - en nie as diepgaande beieldsprosesse in eie reg nie. Die gebrek aan ‘n magsbalans tussen die drie rolspelers het daartoe gelei dat die korporatiewe instellings in beide gevalle effektief tot niet gekom het.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: One of Africa’s longest civil wars ended for the second time in 2005, when the leaders of the government of Sudan and Sudan People’s Liberation Movement and Army signed the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. This action initiated an interim period which culminated with a referendum for the people of Southern Sudan, to decide if they wanted unity or to secede from the north. Through using theories of power sharing and secession this thesis argues that the Sudanese conflict is not resolved after the referendum in South Sudan. The focus of this thesis is to illustrate how the first peace agreement in 1972 failed to deal with root causes and to implement structures that would be acceptable for that part of the population which did not identify with the central elite. Lessons from this process are integral to understand why the secession does not provide the autonomy and prospects of peace that the South and the negotiators intended. This study will provide a thorough assessment of the process from the failure of the Addis Ababa Agreement in 1972 to the making of- and contents of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005. Although there are many positive aspects to the recent agreement, this study will reveal how the North will keep asserting its dominance through controlling the oil sector and using the unresolved border areas for political gain. In addition, the new structure has changed power structures in both areas, which has left many opposing groups in Sudan in a worse situation than before; thus, the further marginalized people in Darfur, the Nuba Mountains and the Blue Nile are the real losers in the post-CPA era. As often portrayed, the peace in South Sudan does not only depend on development, but on external influence from the region and especially their relationship with the regime in Khartoum, despite the construction of an autonomous state. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Een van Afrika se langs durende burgeroorloë het vir die tweede keer geëindig in 2005, toe die regering van Soedan en die Soedanese Burgelikke Vryheidsbeweging en Weermag die Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) onderteken het. Hierdie ooreenkoms was die begin van 'n interim-tydperk wat uitgeloop het op ‘n referendum vir die bevolking van Suid-Soedan, waarin hulle moes besluit of hulle wou afstig van die noorde. Deur gebruik te maak van teorieë op magsdeling en afstigtinglig hierdie tesis die mening dat die Soedanese konflik nie opgelos is na die referendum in Suid-Soedan nie. Die fokus van hierdie tesis was op die illustrering van hoe die eerste vredesooreenkoms van 1972 gevaal het om die sleutel oorsake van die konflik te ondersoek en om strukture in plek te stel vir die gedeeltes van die bevolking wat nie met die sentrale elite geïdentifisee rhet nie. Die lesse van hierdie proses is integraal in die verstaan van hoekom outonomie en vooruitsigte van vrede nie in die Suide kan voortsprui tuit die afstigting van Suid-Sudan soos wat die bedoeling van die onderhandelaars was nie. Hierdie studie sal ‘n deeglikke assesering doen van die proses tussen die Addis Ababa Ooreenkoms van 1972 tot en met die sluit van die Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005, asook op die inhoud van hierdie ooreenkoms. Alhoewel die nuwe ooreenkoms baie positiewe aspekte bevat, sal die studie toon hoe die Noorde steeds sy dominansie sal kan handhaaf, vir politieke wins, deur beheer uitteoefen oor die olie sektor en deur onopgeloste grens geskille. Daar benewens het die nuwe struktuur veranderde mag strukture in beide gebiede te weeg gebring wat nou gelei het tot ‘n soms slegter situasie vir oposisie groepe binne Sudan; dus is die verder gemarginaliseerde Darfur streek, die Nuba gebergtes en die Blou Nyl die waare verloorders van die na-CPA era. Soos dikwels uitgebeeld word, sal die vrede in Suid-Soedan nie net afhang van ontwikkeling nie, maar ook van eksterne invloede vanuit die streek en veral van hul verhouding met die Khartoemregime, ten spyte van die konstruksie van 'n outonomestaat.

Thesis (MA)-- Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Brazilian welfare state has developed over time in relation to national and global trends. This study analyses the creation of Latin Americas largest Conditional Cash Transfer program in relation to these trends. The thesis provides an historical overview of the creation of Conditional Cash Transfers in the country that lastly ended with Bolsa Familia. Alongside events that led to Bolsa Familia, the nation witnessed the development of social welfare initiatives as well as alternative poverty reducing programs. The study analyses this in the context of the creation of the Brazilian welfare. The question guiding the study is: Has the Bolsa Famila programme helped to reduce poverty in Brazil? It is argued that Brazil has been successful in reducing its poverty rate as a result of the programme. The study looks deeper into the structure of Bolsa Familia in order to view its results and effects both advantages and disadvantages of the programme are assessed. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Brasiliaanse welvaart staat het in verhouding tot nasionale en internasionale tendense ontwikkel. Hierdie studie analiseer hoe Latyns-Amerika se grootste voorwaardelike kontant oordrag program in die lig van hierdie tendense ontwikkel het. Die tesis verskaf ‘n historiese oorsig tot die inwerkingstelling van voorwaardelike kontant oordrag programme en die wyse waarop dit meer spesifiek uitgeloop het op die Bolsa Familia program. Die studie is gelei deur die vraag: Het die Bolsa Familia program daartoe bygedra dat armoede in Brasilïe verminder het? Benewens die feit dat hierdie vraag positief beantwoord word, bekyk die studie in groter detail die struktuur van die program asook die program se voordele en nadele.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Despite their lack of merits and demands, Occupy Wall Street (OWS) did become a defining feature in the short aftermath of the Financial Crisis and a part of the global occupy-movements during the protest year of 2011. As the founders and organisers behind the first encampments in Zuccotti Park called out for a "Tahrir moment" in the United States of America (US), few scholars or pundits had seen the leaderless movement coming. OWS spread across the US in the matter of months, hitting the media headlines gradually and more rapidly than any previous protest movement. Scholarly responses to OWS have been plentiful, and their categorisations of the OWS’ structure, demands and impact have been going in many different directions. This study attempts to debate and analyse the main research question; is OWS a new kind of a social movement? Even though there are several ways in which one may approach this question, the following will focus on the organisational structures, the political opportunity structures and the global linkages of OWS. The organisational structures has been debated by most, as the movement has a leaderless structure, it is ruled by consensus and supported by protesters from all social spheres, who came, protested and left as they pleased. The political and economic deficits, which gives way to the political opportunity structures of the movement, has not been this dramatic since the Great Depression. The Financial Crisis of 2008 has not only been defined as an economic crisis, but also a crisis of representative democracy. Furthermore, the global protest movements of 2011 have been similar in several ways. Even as all of them, be it Tahrir, 15M, in Greece or OWS, has been unique in matters of context, time and space, they share similarities in tactics, methods and fundamental demands - democracy and prosperity. The concluding statement to the research question is not clear-cut. Rather, it revokes former debates, which distinguished between old and new social movements, and implements a globalising civil society. A new kind of a social movement has come and gone, with elements of the earlier movements. It has added new modes of tactics, structures and demands, all formed by the present context. OWS is not an exception. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Ten spyte van hul gebrek aan eise en tasbare sukses, het “Occupy Wall Street (OWS) wel ’n definiërende kenmerk geword tydens kort naloop van die Finansiële Krisies, asook ’n deel van die globale beset-bewegings tydens die 2011 protesjaar. Daar was min akademici en kenners wat, ten tye van die eerste kamperings in Zuccotti Park en die eis deur die stigters en organiseerders van OWS vir ’n “Tahrir oomblik”, die opkoms van hierdie leierlose beweging voorsien het. Binne ’n kwessie van maande het OWS dwarsoor die VSA versprei, eers stadig en daarna vinniger die hoofopskrifte van die media gehaal as enige ander protes-beweging wat dit voorafgegaan het. Daar is heelwat akademiese bydraes (uit verskillende dissiplines) wat daarop gemik is om OWS te verstaan in terme van hoe om dit te kategoriseer, die struktuur daarvan, die eise wat gestel is en die impak daarvan. Die doel van hierdie studie is om die hoofnavorsingsvraag te bespreek en analiseer, naamlik; is OWS ’n nuwe soort sosiale beweging? Die benadering wat gevolg word is om te fokus om organisatoriese strukture, politieke geleentheidstrukture and die globale verbintenisse van OWS. Die organisatoriese strukture het die meeste aandag gekry in die literatuur tot dusver, aangesien die organisasie ’n leierlose struktuur het. Besluite word deur middel van konsensus geneem en ondersteuning word gewerf van protesteerders uit ’n verskeidenheid van sosiale sfere. Hierdie protesteerders het opgedaag, protes aangeteken, en weer vertrek na willekeur. Die politieke en ekonomiese terkortkominge van die kapitalistiese stelsel in die VSA, waarin die politieke geleentheidstrukture van die beweging geanker is, was, sedert die Groot Depressie, nie so skynbaar dramaties nie. Die Finansiële Krisies wat in 2008 sy hoogtepunt bereik het, word gedefinieer nie alleen as ’n ekonomiese krisies nie,maar ook as ’n krisies van verteenwoordigende demokrasie. Daarby is daar bevind dat die globale protesbewegings wat in 2011 gedy het, soortgelyke kenmerke gehad het. Nieteenstaande die feit dat Tahrir in Egipte, 15M, die Griekse protes-aksies en OWS wel as uniek gesien kan word in terme van konteks, tyd en ruimte, is daar ooreenkomste in taktiek, metodes en fundamentele eise: deelnemende demokrasie en welvaart vir almal. Die slotsom waartoe die tesis kom is nie definitief nie. Eerder, is die gevolgtrekking dat daar teruggegaan moet word na vorige debatte wat onderskeid getref het tussen ou en nuwe sosiale bewegings, en ook na die literatuur oor die moontlikheid van ’n globale burgerlike samelewing. Wat wel vasstaan is dat ’n nuwe soort sosiale beweging verskyn het en weer gekwyn het, wat aspekte van vorige bewegings omvat maar ook in duidelike terme van hulle verskil. In die opsig is OWS nie ’n uitsondering nie, met nuwe taktiek, strukture en eise wat almal gevorm is binne die huidige konteks.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study seeks to understand the causes and nature of xenophobia in South Africa. It investigates this through the case of De Doorns, where in November 2009 3000 Zimbabweans were chased out of their homes, which were subsequently looted and destroyed. This case was chosen because it is an example of a xenophobic incident that went beyond xenophobic attitudes to manifest in violent behaviour towards African migrants. The study was guided though three questions. (1) How can the violent xenophobic attacks in De Doorns be explained? (2) Do the explanations for xenophobia offer sufficient explanation for the causes and nature of xenophobia in De Doorns? (3) Are the causes for xenophobia still evident in De Doorns? To answer the first and third questions key informant interviews with relevant organisations were conducted with Agri Wes-Cape, the Hex River Valley Table Grape Association and People Against Suffering, Oppression and Poverty (PASSOP). In addition, published work (reports and an article) has been analysed. To answer the second question, literature on the topic of xenophobia was reviewed and the findings compared to the answers found for the first question. The key findings in this study were, firstly, that the causes for xenophobia were twofold: there was a context and there were underlying causes; in addition there were specific triggers for the xenophobia. This twofold explanation is evident in Horowitz’s ethnic violence theory, where he takes into consideration both external contextual causes and immediate locality-bound causes. The context was the farming community of De Doorns, characterised by casual work, job insecurity and (often) poor living conditions. The underlying causes were found to be locals’ frustration with and perceptions of Zimbabweans; this led to the development of xenophobic attitudes. In addition, labour brokers were found to have worsened the situation by encouraging causal work and by skimming off workers’ payments. Government insufficiencies were also an underlying condition: there was lack in an early warning system and there were service delivery failures. These underlying conditions gave a breeding ground for the triggers of the violence to operate. These triggers were found to be of a local political character, and these highlighted the explanatory value of Misago’s micropolitics theory. A local councillor stirred up the xenophobia to gain popularity for re-election before the upcoming local government elections. From this it is found that with similar or worse underlying condition xenophobia could flourish, given the ‘right’ triggers. This is an important finding in light of the up coming local government elections in 2016. In terms of the nature of the xenophobia in South Africa, it is argued that this often goes beyond the expression of xenophobic attitudes, and takes the form of violent xenophobic behaviour which is usually targeted at black African migrants. Explanations for this violence have historical roots in the armed struggle and it illicits a response from government. Why black Africans? Their proximity and their vulnerability are put forward as explanations, though it is also recognized that current explanations are insufficient. / AFRIKKANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie se oogmerk is om die oorsake en aard van xenofobie in Suid-Afrika te verstaan. Dit word ondersoek deur die geval van De Doorns, waartydens November 2009 3000 Zimbabwiërs uit hul huise gejaag is wat geplunder en vernietig is. Hierdie geval is gekies omdat dit ‘n voorbeeld van ‘n xenofobiese geval is wat verder as die xenofobiese houdings gegaan het om in gewelddadige gedrag teenoor immigrante uit Afrika te manifesteer. Die studie is deur drie vrae gelei: (1) Hoe kan die gewelddadige xenofobiese aanvalle in De Doorns verduidelik word? (2) Bied die verduidelikings vir xenofobie genoegsame verduideliking vir die oorsake en aard van xenofobie in De Doorns? (3) Is die oorsake van xenofobie steeds sigbaar in De Doorns? Om die eerste en derde vrae te beantwoord is sleutel informante onderhoude met relevante organisasies gevoer naamlik Agri Wes-Kaap, Die Hexriviervallei Tafeldruif Vereniging en People Against Suffering, Oppression and Poverty (PASSOP). Daarby is gepubliseerde werk (verslae en ‘n artikel) ook ontleed. Om die tweede vraag te beantwoord is literatuur oor die onderwerp van xenofobie hersien en die bevindinge vergelyk met die antwoorde op die eerste vraag. Die sleutel bevindings in hierdie studie was eerstens dat die oorsake vir xenofobie tweeledig was: daar was ‘n konteks en onderliggende oorsake; daar was ook bykomende snellers vir die xenofobie. Hierdie tweeledige verduideliking is duidelik in Horowitz se etniese geweldsteorie, waar hy beide eksterne kontekstuele oorsake en onmiddelike ligging-gebonde oorsake. Die konteks was die plaasgemeenskap van De Doorns wat gekenmerk is deur informele werk, werksonsekerheid, en (dikwels) swak lewensomstandighede. Hierdie onderliggende oorsake is bevind om die plaaslike inwoners se frustrasie met en siening van Zimbabwiërs te wees; dit het aanleiding gegee tot xenofobiese houdings. Daar is verder gevind dat arbeidsmakelaars die situasie vererger het deur die aanmoediging van informele werk en die afskeer van werkers se betalings. Regeringstekortkominge was ook ‘n onderliggende oorsaak: daar was ‘n gebrek aan ‘n vroeë waarskuwingstelsel terwyl diensverskaffing ook misluk het. Hierdie onderliggende toestande het ‘n broeiplek aan die snellers van die geweld gegee om te funksioneer. Daar is bevind dat die snellers ‘n plaaslike politieke karakter gehad het en beklemtoon die verklarende waarde van Misago se mikro-politieke teorie. ‘n Plaaslike raadslid het die xenofobie aangewakker om gewildheid te verwerf vir herverkiesing voor die toekomstige plaaslike verkiesings. Vanuit hierdie is daar bevind dat xenofobie met soortgelyke of erger onderliggende toestande kan floreer, met die ‘regte’ snellers. Dit is ‘n belangrike bevinding in die lig van die toekomstige plaaslike regeringsverkiesings in 2016. In terme van die aard van xenofobie in Suid-Afrika word daar gearguenteer dat dit dikwels verder gaan as die uitdrukking van xenofobiese houdings en die vorm neem van gewelddadige xenofobiese gedrag wat dikwels op swart immigrante van Afrika gemik is. Verklarings vir hierdie geweld het geskiedkundige oorsake in die gewapende stryd en ontlok ‘n reaksie van die regering. Hoekom swart Afrikane? Hulle nabyheid en kwesbaarheid word aangebied as verklarings terwyl dit egter ook herken word dat huidige verklarings onvoldoende is.