The Occupy Wall Street Movement on September 17, 2011 that involved public protest and the occupation of Zuccotti Park in New York City’s financial district, is an important example of mass public dissent in American history. The conflict that lies at the heart of the protests is between two parties identified in the data as the 99% and the 1%. An abductive, grounded research strategy to explore the language used in interpreting the circumstances and details of the event, is used in conjunction with a theoretical framework provided by C. Wright Mills (1959) and Jock Young (2011), to uncover the motivations behind the 99%’s decision to protest. What is revealed upon completion of the analysis are two broad motivations for public protest by the 99% related to issues of fairness and access, set within an historical context of growing dissent against corrupt economic institutions and the governments that sustain them.

This thesis aims at comparatively analyzing the representation of financial capitalism in Wall Street (1987) and Wall Street. Money Never Sleeps (2010) with focusing on exploring in which ways the films promote/criticize the financial capitalism they portray. Theoretical approaches concerning film theories are mainly through ideological analysis, and supplemented by structuralist and semiotic theories. As methods used in data gathering and analyzing, basic film content analyses are principally applied through illustrating with film contents extracted from the films in qualitative and comparative ways in order to describe and distinguish the ideological positions of pro- and anti-capitalism in the two films. The results show an interesting fact that positions from the villain to the moral center are symbolized by both different characters separately and the key character (Gorden Gekko) alone. The analysis also shows that both of the films promote capitalism of freedom, which inspire people to work hard and create property for society, and criticize it of greed and immorality. However, Wall Street II is not nearly as merciless as the original, and it seems more fascinated than critical.

Orientador: Eduardo Barros Mariutti / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T16:05:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marchetto_BrunoQueiroz_M.pdf: 758262 bytes, checksum: f469466ab46d60dbac7a54b69302d82d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Os efeitos da chamada "Era da Catástrofe" (1914-45) demandaram uma reforma radical nas diretrizes que nortearam a economia mundial no fim do século XIX: o laissez faire cedeu lugar à imposição de controles sociais sobre o mercado, orquestrados em grande medida pelos EUA. A materialização disto, no plano monetário-financeiro, foi à criação do sistema de Bretton Woods. Coube ao plano Marshall, mediante uma expansão da liquidez, dar o impulso inicial aos "Anos Dourados", fase de extraordinário crescimento econômico amparado pela busca do pleno emprego e pela sustentação da demanda. Os anos 1970 marcam a desarticulação deste arranjo internacional. Pretendemos analisar a estratégia monetário-financeira articulada pelos EUA no início da década de 1970, o que, no médio prazo, possibilitou a restauração de sua posição dominante no cenário internacional, promovendo, de forma correlata, a difusão do neoliberalismo e da financeirização. O ponto-chave de nossa análise está nas medidas adotadas pelos EUA para deslocar para seus "aliado-rivais" (Europa Ocidental e Japão) e para a periferia os efeitos adversos do "choque do petróleo", fato que tornou possível restaurar a sua liderança nos setores de ponta da indústria, que caracterizaram a Terceira Revolução Industrial. Partimos da hipótese que os EUA usaram fundamentalmente do seu poder político para deslegitimar as instituições multilaterais (o FMI e OCDE) que poderiam ter sido mobilizadas para conter a crise / Abstract: The "age of catastrophe" (1914-45) effects demanded radical reforms on the guidelines which shaped the world economy in the last years of the nineteenth century: the laissez faire was replaced by the imposition of social controls to the market mechanisms, process which was led, to a great extent, by US. The reflects of this movement, in the monetary and financial fields, was the creation of the Bretton Woods System. The Marshall Plan, through a liquidity expansion, gave the initial impulse to what came to be known as "the golden age of capitalism", a period of extraordinary economic growth characterized by the seek of the full employment and by the demand sustainment. The seventies began with the disarticulation of this international arrangement. We pretend to analyze the financial and monetary strategy articulated by the US in the begging of the seventies, what, in the middle run, made possible to this country to restore its dominant position on the international scenario, promoting, moreover, the neoliberalism diffusion and the "financialization" process. Our key point in this paper is the movements adopted by the US in order to dislocated to its "allies-rivals" (Western Europe and Japan) and to the periphery the adverse effects of the First Petroleum Chock (1973). The hypothesis assumed here is that the US basically used its political power to weaken the legitimacy of the multilateral institutions (the IMF and OEDC), which could have been mobilized to restrain the crisis / Mestrado / Historia Economica / Mestre em Desenvolvimento Econômico

This thesis explores questions of politics and public space through an examination of the experiences of people involved in Occupy protest camps and local officials who were tasked with managing the protests in Eugene, OR and Madison, WI. Using assemblage as an organizing theoretical framework, this work identifies the actors involved in the production of Occupy protest camps and traces the trajectories of two Occupy protests from their beginnings to eviction day. It highlights the role of space in the protests, the ways in which protesters negotiated with local authorities for long-term use of public spaces previously prohibited by law, and some of the factors that contributed to the eviction of the protest camps. Finally, it seeks to reframe the debate on public space and conceptualizes public space as an assemblage that is continually made, unmade, and remade through the interactions of diverse, heterogeneous actors. / 10000-01-01

On September 17, 2011, protestors set up camp in Zuccotti Park in New York's financial district, initiating a 59-day social and political movement known as Occupy Wall Street. Writing about the protest, James C. McKinley Jr. of the New York Times declared that the movement "lacks a melody" compared with protest movements of the previous century. Despite the common perception that little music accompanied the movement, organizers released Occupy This Album: 99 Songs for the 99%, a collection of songs connected with, written for, or written about the Occupy Wall Street movement. This thesis investigates the place of Occupy Wall Street in society through its musicking and through Occupy This Album: 99 Songs or the 99%. Building upon the sociomusicological work of R. Serge Denisoff and the work of Garth S. Jowett and Victoria O'Donnell, I propose a framework for a categorization of songs through their lyrical content and apply it to the music found on Occupy This Album. Then, using this framework, I determine the potential "progressiveness" of Occupy Wall Street through the modernization theory of Talcott Parsons. I contend that Occupy this Album: 99 Songs for the 99% shows Occupy Wall Street to be a modernizing movement as indicated through its large output of propaganda songs, showing a commitment to communication of diverse knowledge and ideologies and a generalization of value sets. This analysis and its conclusion situate Occupy Wall Street in society through its musical output rather than through its cultural and political effects

I dagens värld har länder ett tätt sammanlänkat ekonomiskt samarbete. Detta innebär att ifall ett land drabbas av en finanskris, kommer även andra länder att falla likt dominobrickor, in i en väntande finanskris. Just detta skedde år 2008 och 2011, då ett flertal av världens länder drabbades av en stor finansiell kris. I skuggan av dessa kriser växte en social rörelse fram vars syfte var att uppmärksamma människor om vad som, enligt rörelsen, egentligen hade hänt. Rörelsen som växte fram är känd som Occupy-rörelsen. Denna studie har som mål att undersöka hur två grupper inom rörelsen skapar legitimitet för ett alternativt perspektiv på finansiella kriser men även hur de vill lösa pågående och framtida ekonomiska kriser. För att detta ska bli möjligt användes Snow & Benfords inramningsteorier. Enligt Snow & Benford ska en inramning ses som en strukturell bas av en persons perspektiv och värderingar inom ett policyområde. Genom att använda sig av olika inramningar kommer personer att skapa olika lösningar samt strategier för att lösa ett problem. Snow & Benford anser att detta perspektiv även går att använda på sociala rörelser. För att kunna göra denna studie studerade jag Occupy Wall Street samt Occupy Stockholms Internetsidor. Min studie visar ett tydligt resultat. Grupperna anser inte att finanskriserna är ett problem i sig, utan ett symptom. Finanskriserna är ett symptom av ett underskott. Ett demokratiskt underskott.

In September of 2011 Zuccotti Park, located in the heart of downtown Manhattan, became a site of political contestation when several hundred activists pitched their tents, set up their signs, and began to occupy the park, in what later became known as Occupy Wall Street. Occupy Wall Street became part of the larger Occupy moment, in which public parks in most major cities and college towns across the nation were occupied for several months by protestors contesting a range of issues including the growing disparity in wealth, corporate influence on democracy, and deepening social injustices. By the end of 2011 the nationwide eviction of most Occupy encampments resulted in the assumed failure of Occupy to challenge successfully contemporary politics and to organize a clear list of demands. In this thesis, I draw on ethnographic material collected in 2012 to interpret the spatial strategies and spatialities of Occupy and argue that for Occupy, this lack of focus is a strength in that it creates a space for alternative political discussions and practices otherwise less visible or nonexistent in the current political system. I examine the spatialities of Occupy, by which I mean the networks, mobilities, and places of Occupy, and argue that such an analysis offers an entry point in which to consider the ways in which space and politics are co-produced. In order to examine the relations between space and politics, I locate the specific spatial practices and strategies utilized by participants both in the highly visible occupation of public parks and direct actions and less visible organization spaces.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 1996. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 371-386). / Microfiche. / vii, 386 p. leaves, bound 29 cm

Kamala Harris made history on November 7, 2020, when she was elected as the first female Vice President of the United States. In addition to being the first woman, she became the first African-American and Indian-American to attain this position. As a result, the media had to grapple with how to cover her historic campaign from the moment she was announced as the vice-presidential selection. This qualitative thematic analysis examined The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal's coverage of her campaign with significant analysis on important events such as the initial buzz surrounding her selection, the convention speech, and the vice-presidential debate. Specifically, this study examines 70 news articles total from both newspapers from August 11-November 3, 2020 to determine the recurring themes from her coverage. Results indicated that although traditional media frames and themes were not a significant focus, Harris's intersectionality brought about a new set of frames to explore, with subtle differences between the two newspapers. Implications of these results and future considerations for the media are discussed. / Master of Arts / Kamala Harris made history on November 7, 2020, when she was elected as the first female Vice President of the United States. In addition to being the first woman, she became the first African-American and Indian-American to attain this position. Throughout her campaign, the media had to learn how to cover an historic candidate effectively, since this moment had no precedent. This thesis chose to explore The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal's coverage of her campaign because of their influence in shaping the news around the country and they both represent different sides of the political spectrum. Important events that are covered include the initial announcement, the convention speech, and the vice-presidential debate. This study looks to determine if the stereotypical frames that the media places on female candidates are still seen with Harris. Results indicated that although traditional media stereotypes were not a significant focus, Harris's identity brought about a new set of themes to analyze, with each paper focusing on different aspects. Implications of these results and future considerations for the media are discussed.

This thesis presents an ethnography of public discourse in postcolonial, decolonial, queer, and multimedia contexts, as part of a critical analysis of imperialism in the digital age. In mixing experiences with theory and social practice, I draw on the work of activists who have already begun to mold these theories into everyday practice, paying particular attention to Occupy Wall Street, the Zapatistas of Mexico, and Southerners on New Ground (SONG)—a regionally focused non-profit organization based in the southern United States. I develop techno-seduction as a term to deconstruct the lure of technological determinism promoting static interpretations of democracy, consensus, and participation, and to describe the impact these interpretations have on intrapersonal and group identity formation.