On cover: Degree of Master of Philosophy in Political Management. / Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Before a country can have democracy a consolidated democracy, democracy is a prerequisite. The term democracy can be traced back to ancient Greece and the studies of the consolidation of democracy dates since the transition of the seventies. The notion of democratic consolidation has been defined by authors as a process of making new democracies secure, deepening institutions and liberties and making them immune against the threat of authoritarian regression. But authors have also found that there are socioeconomic conditions favourable to consolidation such as sufficient affluence. This study compares Botswana and South Africa's democracy, the reason being to find out which is the most consolidated and why? To compare these two countries' democracies, the study focuses on the following; affluence, institutions suitable for democracy, free and fair elections and electoral systems. There are similarities and differences between these countries. They share British parliamentary traditions. Both practice multiparty elections but neither experienced turnovers, for example; Botswana started practicing from 1965 until now, while South Africa started in 1994. The major institutional difference is the electoral system. Their ratings in the human development indexes are declining, but South Africa scores better. The other major difference is in their Freedom House ratings, where South Africa's rating is better than Botswana's. The issue of HIV/AIDS infections remains a big problem for these countries. To what extent this would impact on democracy is uncertain as little research of this kind has been done. In concluding this study, it is explicitly stated that these countries are free electoral democracies but not consolidated yet, because they have not passed Huntington's "two turnover test", and their socio-economic conditions are also problematic. At this stage, however South Africa is slightly better off for the reasons cited above. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Demokrasie is "n voorvereiste vir "n gekonsolideerde demokrasie. Hoewel die term demokrasie sy oorsprong het by die antieke Grieke dateer studies oor die konsolidasie van demokrasieë slegs terug na die sewentigerjare van die 20ste eeu. Demokratiese konsolidasie verwys na die proses waarvolgens nuwe demokrasieë na hul aanvanklike vestiging teen die gevaar van outoritêre verval beveilig word deur die daarstelling van demokratiese instellings en vryhede. Navorsing het bevind dat sekere sosio-ekonomiese faktore of omstandighede soos byvoorbeeld voldoende ekonomiese voorspoed die konsolidasie van jong demokrasieë bevorder. Die studie behels "n vergelyking van die demokrasieë van Suid-Afrika en Botswana ten opsigte van hulle graad van demokratiese konsolidasie en die redes daarvoor. Die studie fokus in die verband op aspekte soos: ekonomiese voorspoed, die demokratiese aard van hulle instellings, vrye en regverdige verkiesings en hulle kiesstelsels. Daar is beide ooreenkomste en verskille tussen die twee state. Beide is gesetel in die Britse parlementêre stelsel. Beide gebruik sedert hulle vestiging as demokrasieë veelparty vekiesings - Botswana sedert 1965 en Suid-Afrika sedert 1994. Die belangrikste institusionele verskil is in hulle kiesstelsels geleë. Hoewel die lande se klassifikasies beide in die indekse sowel as die verslae oor menslike ontwikkeling daal, vaar Suid-Afrika steeds beter as Botswana. Die duidelikste verskil is ten opsigte van hulle Freedom House klassifikasie. Die kwessie van MIVjVIGS-infeksies bly steeds "n belangrike probleem vir beide state. Vanweë die gebrek aan navorsing in die verband is dit onseker in watter mate die VIGS-kwessie demokrasie in die lande in die toekoms gaan beinvloed. Die gevolgtrekking van die tesis is dat hoewel beide state vrye demokrasieë is hulle nog nie as gekonsolideerde demokrasieë geklassifiseer kan word nie. Die gevolgtrekking is hoofsaaklik gebaseer op hulle problematiese sosioekonomiese omstandighede en die feit dat hulle nog nie Huntington se /I two turnover test" geslaag het nie. Suid-Afrika is egter op grond van die redes wat hierbo aangevoer is, tans beter as Botswana daaraan toe.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Mega-events such as the Olympic Games have emerged as one of the most significant features of the global era. Not only has the number of participants increased, but also the hosting of these events has been seen as an opportunity for countries to externally market themselves, in an attempt to raise their international profile, and to develop national identity. As such, many nations continue to enthusiastically compete to host these events. Despite the prestige of hosting events, South Africa has in the past been excluded from participating, let alone being considered to bid to host events of such magnitude. This was as a result of the Apartheid policy that extended into sport. After being admitted into the world of sport, it has joined the list of nations that regularly compete to bid. There are two questions that this study sets out to explore. Firstly, how did hosting of the Games market South Africa internationally? Secondly, did hosting the Games help celebrate South Africa's national identity? In trying to answer these questions, the marketing power concept has been used. Part of the proposition is that marketing power is more sought after by state elites who lack national identity. In light of this, South Africa has been used as a case study. Bidding to host the Olympic Games was no easy road for South Africa, and in the aftermath of the Bid, this study identifies the reasons why the Bid was unsuccessful. The findings suggest that South Africa's attempt to host the Games did indeed market the country internationally. However, the findings indicate that bidding to host the Games did not bolster national identity, instead it revealed that there was lack of unity. In addition there are some important lessons that can be drawn from this study. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hoë-profiel gebeure soos die Olimpiese Spele is een van die mees opmerklike gevolge van die globale era. Buiten dat die aantal deelnemers aan sulke gebeurtenisse dramaties togeneem het, het die eise en die kompetisie om sodanige gebeurtenisse aan te bied, toegeneem omdat state hierdeur hulself ekstern kan bemark en intern skep sulke gebeurtenisse 'n geleentheid om nasionale identiteit te bevorder. Ten spyte van die prestige wat die gasheer-staat in sulke gevalle te beurt val, is apartheid Suid- Afrika histories uitgesluit van deelname aan veral hoë profiel sport, en was die aanbieding van sulke gebeurtenisse in Suid-Afrika buite die kwessie. Namate Suid- Afrika weer 'n aanvaarde lid van die gemeenskap van nasies geword het, het Pretoria ook toenemend begin bie om hoë-profiel sportgebeurtenisse aan te bied. Hierdie studie verken twee sentrale vraagstukke. Eerstens, hoe bemark die aanbied van die Olimpiese Spele Suid-Afrika op 'n internasionale grondslag? Tweedens, help die aanbieding van sulke sportgebeure werklik om 'n gevoel van 'n nasionale identiteit onder Suid-Afrikaners aan te wakker? Ten einde die vrae te beantwoord, word in 'n hoë mate van die konsep, 'bemarkingsmag' ('marketing power') gebruik gemaak. Daar word deel geargumenteer dat bemarkingmag juis deur staatselites nagejaag word in samelewings waar nasionale identiteit gebrekkig ontwikkel is. Die Suid-Afrikaanse geval is dus by uitstek 'n toonaangewende voorbeeld van die tendens. In die studie word daar aangedui hoekom die bie proses ten einde die Olimpiese Spele aan te bied so 'n besondere komplekse uitdaging is, hoe dit deurgevoer is en waarom Suid-Afrika misluk het. Die bevindings suggereer dat motivering om die Spele aan te bied inderdaad gedryf is deur die behoefte om Suid-Afrika se bemarkingsmag uit te brei. Ten spyte hiervan, het die bie-proses ook 'n baie brose sin van nasionale identiteit ontbloot het en 'n duidelike rasse-skeidslyn in terme van populere steun vir die bie-proses. Die studie onttrek ook 'n aantal gevolgtrekkings wat vir ander bod-prosesse van waarde kan wees.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis addresses the financial cost implications incurred during elections, with special focus on South Africa. The discussion is conducted by way of comparing South Africa to countries like India, Australia, Israel and Mexico. Democracy entails more than merely conducting periodic elections that are free and fair, but it cannot be less. To a large extent free and fair elections are indicative of the governing authority's commitment to democracy. This commitment however, does have financial implications. A question that is very rarely addressed relates to the financial cost implications that accompany this commitment. For a country such as South Africa with a range of other pressing socio-economic issues, the cost factor with regard to the voting process is of vital importance. The South African electoral experience, in comparison to that of other developing countries, is presently a very costly undertaking at a conservative average cost of more than US $13.00 per vote. Depending on how the expenses are calculated, this figure takes on hefty proportions. To an extent the tardiness on the part of the South African Government in appointing the Electoral Commission to conduct the 1999 elections and the subsequent conflicts regarding the budgetary allocations to the Electoral Commission (EC) combined with poor electoral planning, resulted in the EC having to resort to very expensive technology in order to ensure that a free and fair election would be conducted on the date set by the President. Apart from addressing the above mentioned issues, relating to the cost expenditure during elections, the assignment also addresses possible ways to reduce these costs incurred. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis fokus op die finansiële uitgawes wat tydens verkiesings aangegaan word, met spesifieke verwysing na Suid-Afrika. Die bespreking geskied aan die hand van 'n vergelyking met lande soos Indië, Australië, Israel en Mexico. Demokrasie behels baie meer as net die hou van periodieke vrye en regverdige verkiesings, maar dit kan ook nie enigiets minder as dit behels nie. Vrye en regverdige verkiesings is tot 'n groot mate 'n bewys van 'n bepaalde regime se verbintenis tot die demokrasie. Hierdie verbintenis het egter finansiële implikasies vir 'n land. Die finansiële koste verbonde aan hierdie "verbintenis" is egter selde 'n punt van akademiese bespreking. Met die aantal sosio-ekonomiese vraagstukke waarmee die Suid-Afrikaanse regering op die oomblik gekonfronteeer word, is dit van kardinale belang dat dringende aandag geskenk word aan pogings om die koste-faktor van die verkiesingsproses so laag as moontlik te hou. In vergelyking met die gemiddelde koste wat verbonde is aan verkiesings in ander ontwikkelende lande, was die 1999 Suid-Afrikaanse verkiesing (teen sowat US $13,00 per kieser) 'n duur onderneming en afhangende van hoe die kostes bereken word, ontaard hierdie bedrag in 'n aardige een. Tot 'n groot mate was swak verkiesingsbeplanning die oorsaak dat daar tot duur tegnologie gewend moes om te verseker dat die verkiesing vry en regverdig verloop, soos op die datum wat deur die President bepaal is. Die laat aanwysing van die 1999 Verkiesingskommissie en die daaropvolgende konflik oor die verkiesingsbegroting, het ook bygedra tot die feit dat duur tegnologie ingespan moes word. Afgesien van bogenoemde aspekte, bespreek die tesis ook moontlike maniere om toekomstige verkiesings in Suid-Afrika teen 'n laer koste te hou.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The assignment examines the policy positions of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) on restructuring and privatisation. The assignment's theoretical point of departure is found in the work of Levitsky and Way (1998). Levitsky and Way (1998) examines the alliance between a political party and its labour ally in the context of neo-liberal economic reform. The context is usually a political party that has come to power with the aid of a powerful trade union federation. The authors are interested in establishing if the party-union alliance would be sustained if the political party embarks on drastic economic reforms that have the potential to undermine trade union federations. The two cases that are investigated are Poland and Argentina, because in both these cases, a political party has been swept into power with the aid of a powerful trade union federation. Against the background of neo-liberal economic reforms, both trade union federations initially supported the economic reforms. In the medium and long term however, labour defected from the alliance in Poland, whereas the alliance was sustained in Argentina despite the enormous costs to workers. Levitsky and Way (1998) then posit a number of material and institutional factors that explain both the initial convergence and the later divergence between the two test cases. The factors that are included in this framework are social linkages, party strength, leadership overlap, union competition and the degree of autonomy from either party leadership or the rank-and-file. These factors are hypothesised to explain the policy positions and behaviour of the trade union federation. It is this theoretical framework, which will be tested to establish if the framework permits enough conceptual leverage to explain the past and present policy positions of COSATU on privatisation. These factors have been given prominence because of its actual bearing on the status of the alliance relationship. The present study will therefore be using these factors of the framework, and barring one exception, it will be conceptualised in the same way. The second component of the study is to use the South African National Opinion Leader Survey of 1997/98 to study the actual attitudes and opinions of COSATU leaders on a range of privatisation issues. The survey is going to be used to determine if there is any degree of continuity between formal congress resolutions and the attitudes of COSATU leaders in the survey. This is also an indirect way of verifying the ideological loyalty of leaders to the official positions of the trade union federation. The second question returns to the alliance relationship by examining differences, if any between COSATU and ANC leaders on privatisation related issues. Factor analysis is used to build two indexes, namely a "privatisation index" and a "gear index." An interesting finding from the data is the relatively greater policy cohesion amongst COSATU leaders. These results permit speculations that do not necessarily indicate an imminent breaking up of the alliance, but rather continued discussions with possibly various policy compromises by COSATU and the ANC. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die werkstuk ondersoek die beleidsposisie van die Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) oor herstrukturering en privatisering in Suid Afrika. Die werkstuk se teoretiese uitgangspunt word in die werk van Levitsky en Way gevind (1998). Hierdie skrywers ondersoek die alliansie tussen 'n politieke party en sy arbeidsvennoot in die konteks van neo-liberale ekonomiese hervorming. Die konteks is 'n politieke party wat aan bewind gekom het met die steun van 'n kragtige vakbondfederasie. Die skrywers wil vas stel of die party-vakbond-alliansie sal voortgaan wanneer die politieke party drastiese ekonomiese hervorming aanpak wat die potensiaal het om vakbond federasies te ondermyn. Twee gevalle, naamlik Pole en Argentinië word ondersoek. In albei gevalle het die regerende politieke party aan bewind gekom met die hulp van die vakbond federasie. Teen hierdie agtergrond van neo-liberale hervorming het albei vakbond federasies in Pole en Argentinië aanvanklik die proses gesteun. Gedurende hierdie tydperk het vakbonde in Pole weggebreek van die alliansie, terwyl die alliansie in Argentinië ten spyte van die groot koste vir die werkers voortgesit was. Levitsky en Way (1998) verskaf 'n aantal materiële en institusionele faktore wat die aanvanklike samevloeiing en die latere uiteenvloeiing in hul twee voorbeelde kan verduidelik. Die faktore wat in die ontleding gebruik word is sosiale verbindinge, partysterkte, leierskap oorvleueling, vakbond kompetisie en outonomie van of party leierskap en gewone werkers. Volgens die skrywers se hipotese sal hierdie faktore die beleidsposisies van die vakbond federasie verklaar. Dit is hierdie teoretiese raamwerk wat in die studie gebruik word. Daar word gepoog om vas te stel of hierdie raamwerk genoegsame konseptuele reikwydte het om COSATU se privatiserings beleid te verduidelik. Die tweede komponent van die studie is die gebruik van die Suid Afrikaanse Nasionale Menings Opname van 1997/98. Dit word gebruik om die houdings en die opinies van COSATU leiers oor n breë spektrum van privatiserings kwessies te ondersoek. Die doel is om vas te stel of daar enige graad van kontinuïteit tussen formele kongres resolusies en houdings van COSATU leiers bestaan. Dit is ook 'n manier om die "ideologiese getrouheid" van COSATU leiers te verifieer. Tweedens word daar teruggekeer na die alliansie verhouding deur die verskille tussen ANC en COSATU leiers betreffende privatiserings verwante kwessies te ondersoek. Faktor ontleding word gebruik om twee indekse te bou, naamlik 'n "Privatiserings indeks" en 'n "Gear-indeks". Interessante bevindinge wat dui op 'n groter beleidskohesie by Cosatu-meningsvormers as by ANC-meningsvormers kom na vore. Na aanleiding van bogenoemde model word daar gespekuleer dat hierdie meningspatrone nie noodwendig op 'n uiteenval van die alliansie dui nie, maar eerder op voortgesette gesprekke met verskeie beleidskompromisse by Cosatu sowel as die ANC-leierskap.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The research assignment examines pertinent factors affecting the political, economic and social landscape of the development of the People's Republic of China (PRC). Domestic conditions within the PRC are influencing its foreign policy behaviour in the international arena. The PRC's internal environment will thus determine the extent of its external presence. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die werkstuk bestudeer die relevante faktore wat die politieke, ekonomiese en sosiale landskap ten opsigte van die Republiek van China (PRC) se holistiese ontwikkeling beïnvloed. Omstandighede binne die Republiek beïnvloed die land se buitelandse beleidsgedrag in die internasionale arena. Dit sal dus regverdig wees om te sê dat binnelandse faktore 'n beslissende rol speel ten opsigte van hoe die land homself binne die globale arena hanteer.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Spatial Development Initiatives (SDIs) became the Department of Trade and Industry's (DTI) official policy in 1995/6 to accommodate problems, such as unemployment and empowerment, through sustainable development. We consequently pose the question whether the government has realised a strategic fit, i.e. whether the initial intention with the SDI strategy has consequently been achieved and, if not, what the main lessons are to fill the strategic gap? This question will be addressed in five chapters. The first chapter will provide the reader with the necessary background information on these initiatives. Before concluding (Chapter 6), the following three chapters will follow the inherent logic of the SDI strategy, i.e. economic investments are crowded in (Chapter 3) through a facilitating and mediating role of government (Chapter 4) in order to solve employment and empowerment (Chapter 5). Each realm, i.e. economic- political/institutional-and social, is evaluated on its contribution to the success of the Spatial Development Initiative. On the one hand it is difficult to say categorically whether or not there was a strategic fit, because the strategic aims were not initially written out in measurable detail. If the aim was to employ and to empower, while strengthening the institutions, we could qualitatively discern only when institutional capacity building (like in Lubombo) was a clear aim, that the resulting effect of the SDI strategy was significant. The employment and empowerment efforts may have been more disappointing than hoped for. But again this is difficult to discern because it may be too early to observe the trickle down effects. Neither is it easy to measure the many achievements that were recorded, and still then, they will probably look very relative because of the immensity of the problem. In 2001 the South African Government acknowledged that it has failed in its empowerment programme, while a Presidential Summit was convened in 1998 to search for employment solutions. Against this background and given that not more effort is made to measure the results of the efforts to create employment, has to indicate that the SDIs have not left behind an impression of having performed well in terms of their strategic aim. On the one hand this was because government strongly tended towards attracting foreign investment while paying too little attention to the subsequent needs of SMMEs. Moreover is there a need for an integrated and long-term development plan that allows rational choices to be made. Nevertheless, the fact that evaluations are commissioned and that government publicly admits a mistake could be the signs of a learning organisation, which again is the start of a positive process. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Ruimtelike Ontwikkelings Inisiatiewe (ROI's) het die Departement Handel en Nywerheid se amptelike beleid in 1995/96 geword om probleme soos werkloosheid en swartbemagtiging deur middel van volhoubare ontwikkeling aan te spreek. Ons stel gevolglik die vraag of die regering 'n strategiese plan gehad het waarbinne die ROI inisiatief gepas het, of dit gewerk het en wat die lesse te leer is? Hierdie kwessie sal in vyf hoofstukke aangespreek word. Die eerste hoofstuk voorsien die leser van die nodige agtergrondinligting oor dergelike inisiatiewe. Die samevatting is hoofstuk ses, maar dit word deur drie ander hoofdstukke voorafgegaan: 'n logiese beoordeling van die ekonomiese determinante (hoofstuk drie), die fasiliterende rol van die regering (hoofstuk vier) en die suksesse, al dan nie, van werkskepping en bemagtiging (hoofstuk vyf). Elke tema word beoordeel in die lig van die vraag of dit bydra to die sukses van ROI's. Aan die een kant is dit moeilik te verklaar of daar 'n strategiese plan was omdat so 'n plan nie vooraf uiteengesit was nie. Indien dit die bedoeling was om werkgeleenthede te skep en om bemagtiging te bevorder, sou mens slegs na enkele inisiatiewe hoef te kyk, bv die Lubombo Plan. In so 'n geval was die suksesse tog beduidend. In die algemeen was die werkverskaffings- en bemagtigingsresultate egter teleurstellend. Dit is moontlik steeds te vroeg om 'n finale oordeel uit te spreek. Op hierdie stadium is dit geen eenvoudige taak om prestasies in die lig van die groter problematiek te meet nie. Bv in 2001 het die regering bevestig dat bemagtigingsprogramme in die lig van die presidensiele beraad van 1998, misluk het. Teen hierdie agtergrond word die indruk geskep dat die ROI's moontlik nie hul strategiese doelwitte bereik het nie. Sedertdien het die regering daarna gestrewe om buitelandse direkte investering na Suid-Afrika te lok deur middel van privatisering en klein, mikro en medium ondernemings te vestig. Die planne was moontlik meer suksesvol. Al hierdie inisiatiewe behoort in 'n enkele langtermyn ontwikkelingsplan opgeneem te word sodat rasionele keuses gemaak kan word. Dan sal daar duidelikheid wees oor die rol en plek van ROI's. Dit bestaan nog nie. Nietemin doen die regering reeds beoordelings van hulle planne met die oog om dit te hersien en die erkenning dat sekere planne nie hulle mikpunte bereik nie, is tekens daarvan dat 'n leerproses aan die orde van die dag is wat tog 'n positiewe begin was.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The World Values Survey has made a significant contribution to research in the field of values and value change, but a large amount of the research has been fashioned in a manner to tap values in industrialized and western states, rendering the theoretical models of explanation less than relevant for developing nations. This study aims to advance an understanding of value change within the South African context, particularly in light of the expansive political, social and economic changes to have transpired since 1990, whilst simultaneously addressing this issue of a lack of universal theory to understand value change. Primary amongst the theoretical frameworks addressing this issue of value change has been Ronald Inglehart's theory of a shift towards increased post-materialism in economically viable democratic countries. By subjecting survey data regarding value priorities from the South African rounds of the 1991, 1995 and 2001 World Values Survey to statistical analysis, the hypothesis of a similar situation in South Africa will be tested. After evaluating whether South Africa concurs with the post-materialist shift hypothesis, a unique dimension, including pre-materialist values, will be utilized in an attempt to establish whether South Africa has undergone any value change. This dimension is employed in the analysis of the 1995 and 2001 South African data, and whilst the value shift hypothesis promulgated by Inglehart appears largely unconcurred, an overall trend away from pre-materialism towards increased mixed type value priorities, with an ever so slight increase in materialists, has become evident. Although South Africa's value configuration is displaying an increasing convergence towards more moderate value orientations, most of the dynamics of change are manifesting themselves amongst and across various population sub-groups. South Africa's values are therefore undergoing relatively dramatic fluctuations, mainly reflected when the data are disaggregated for the various population sub-groups, the results indicating that longitudinal analysis along the pre-materialist/materialist continuum continues to be a more appropriate tool for tapping South Africa's underlying values. The consequences of these findings, for democratic consolidation, future political conflict, value change determinants and the appropriateness of this model for developing countries, will be assessed in detail. Consequently, by conducting these analyses, this research essay attempts to situate a global, but still largely Western theory, in a South African and developing world context. It thereby attempts to contribute towards filling a knowledge gap concerning the direction, degree and nature of the dynamics of value change. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hoewel die Wêreld Waardestudie sedert 1981 'n noemenswaardige bydrae gemaak het tot navorsing rakende waardes en waardeverandering, was dit tot dusver hoofsaaklik gefokus op waardes van geindustrialiseerde en westerse state. Dié fokus, het die studie grootliks van sy verklarende bruikbaarheid vir ontwikkelende lande ontneem. In hierdie opdrag sal daar gepoog word om die waardeveranderinge van Suid-Afrikaners, in die lig van die politieke- en ekonomiese omwentelinge sedert 1990, te beskryf. Dit sal gedoen word tesame met die aanspreek van die kwessie rondom die gebrek aan 'n universele teorie waarmee waardeverandering verklaar kan word. Ronald Inglehart se teorie, wat 'n skuif na post-materialistiese waardes in ekonomiese lewensvatbare state postuleer, was tot dusver die mees prominente teoretiese raamwerk wat waardeveranderinge beskryf het. Deur middel van die analise van die 1991, 1995 en 2001 data van die Suid-Afrikaanse rondte van die Wêreld Waardestudie, sal daar gepoog word om dié hipotese binne die plaaslike konteks te toets. Hierna sal 'n unieke dimensie, wat prematerialistiese waardes insluit, gebruik word om vas te stelof Suid-Afrikaners enige verandering in hul waarde oriëntasies ondergaan het. Hierdie dimensie is by die 1995 en 2001 studies ingesluit, en hoewel die resultate nie heeltemalooreenstem met Inglehart se hipotese nie, was daar 'n neiging weg van pre-materialisme in die rigting van meer gemenge waarde prioriteite, sowel as 'n baie klein toename in die aantal materialiste, merkbaar. Suid- Afrikaners blyk te beweeg in die rigting van meer gematigde waarde oriëntasies, en meeste van hierdie neigings manifesteer ditselfbinne en tussen die verskeie bevolkingsgroepe. Suid-Afrikaanse waardes ondergaan dus, in relatiewe terme, dramatiese veranderinge, wat veral na vore kom wanneer data vir die onderskeie bevolking sub-groepe afsonderlik geanaliseer word. Die resultate bevestig dat longitudinale analise in terme van 'n prematerialistiese/ materialistiese kontinuum steeds die beste metode is om waardeverandering binne die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks te meet. Die implikasies van hierdie bevindinge vir demokratiese konsolidasie, toekomstige politieke konflik, waardeveranderinge, en die toepaslikheid van die modelop ontwikkelende lande, sal in detail bespreek word. Hierdie studie poog gevolglik om 'n universele, maar hoofsaaklik steeds Westerse, teorie in 'n Suid- Afrikaanse en ontwikkelende staat perspektief te plaas. Daar word gehoop dat sodanige studie sal bydra om bestaande tekortkominge rakende die rigting, graad, en aard, van waardeveranderinge aan te spreek. The financial assistance of the National Research Foundation (NRF) towards this research is hereby acknowledged. Opinions expressed and conclusions arrived at, are those of the author and are not necessarily to be attributed to the National Research Foundation.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The development of the global biotechnology industry largely coincided with the development of the US biotechnology industry. This resulted in this industry's oligopolistic and centralised nature where only a few multinational chemical and pharmaceutical companies control most biotechnology processes and production of commodities emanating from these processes. The governance of biotechnology has, until recently, been dominated by state actors who have endeavoured to secure national interests, including those of large multinational corporations (MNCs) based within their boundaries. The technological ability of developed states to exploit and use unevenly distributed resources to their advantage means that an uneven relationship exists between these and poor developing countries. This has been highlighted by differences in public opinion about the role and application of biotechnology in society. While some opinions favour the use and application of biotechnology to enhance food supplies and boost production levels and trade, other opinions caution against the possible hazards that genetically manipulated organisms (GMOs) hold for the environment and human existence. The commercialisation of biotechnology has resulted in the exponential growth of genetically manipulated crops in especially the United States and countries like Argentina and Canada. These countries produce large surpluses of staple grains such as corn and soya and try to sell these to countries with food supply problems. The clash in commercial interests stemming from developed countries' insistence on the protection of intellectual property rights (IPR) on genetically manipulated (GM) seeds has caused considerable conflict with poor farmers who will not be able to sustain their livelihoods if they cannot save seeds for future harvests. This is one aspect of the problems surrounding the protection of knowledge products that is exacerbated by the scientific uncertainty pertaining to the risk involved with biotechnology. While some observers agitate for precaution with the use of GMOs, others feel that a lack of scientific proof of harm is sufficient grounds for proceeding with developments in biotechnology. Conversely, there are some that feel that biotechnology is market driven instead of human needs driven, ultimately resulting in developing countries receiving very little benefit from it. The Cartagena Protocol on biosafety was drafted to address some of the difficulties involved with the transboundary movement of GMOs. Although it holds very specific advantages for developing countries, as a regulatory framework it is limited in its scope and application. Developing countries are limited in their policy options to address their need to protect biodiversity and secure their food supply. This means that considerable challenges and constraints await these countries in utilising global governance of public goods and building their human and technological capacities. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die ontwikkeling van die globale biotegnologie-industrie het grootliks saamgeval met die ontwikkeling van die Verenigde State se biotegnologie-industrie. Dit het aanleiding gegee tot hierdie industrie se oligopolistiese en gesentraliseerde aard waar slegs enkele multinasionale chemiese en farmaseutiese maatskappye die meeste biotegnologie prosesse en die vervaardiging van kommoditeite uit daardie prosesse beheer. Die regering van biotegnologie was tot onlangs oorheers deur staatsakteurs wie gepoog het om nasionale belange te beskerm, insluitend die belange van multinasionale korporasies (MNK) wat vanuit hulle grondgebied funksioneer. Die tegnologiese vermoë van ontwikkelde state om oneweredig verspreide hulpbronne tot eie gewin te benut beteken dat 'n ongelyke verhouding bestaan tussen hierdie en arm ontwikkelende state. Dit word beklemtoon deur verskille in openbare mening oor die rol en aanwending van biotegnologie in die samelewing. Terwyl sekere opinies ten gunste van die aanwending van biotegnologie vir die verbetering van voedselbronne en produksievlakke en handel is, dui ander opinies op die moontlike gevare wat geneties gemanipuleerde organismes (GMOs) vir die omgewing en menslike voortbestaan inhou. Die kommersialisering van biotegnologie het gelei tot die eksponensiële groei van geneties gemanipuleerde gewasse in veral die Verenigde State en state soos Argentinië en Kanada. Hierdie state produseer groot hoeveelhede stapelgrane soos mielies en soja en poog om dit te verkoop aan state met voedselvoorsieningsprobleme. Die botsing in kommersiële belange wat spruit uit ontwikkelde state se aandrang op die beskerming van intellektuele eiendomsreg op geneties gemanipuleerde saad veroorsaak beduidende konflik met arm landbouers wie nie hulle lewensonderhoud kan verseker as hulle nie saad kan berg vir toekomstige saaiseisoene nie. Dit is een aspek van die problematiek rondom die beskerming van kennisprodukte wat vererger word deur die wetenskaplike onsekerheid wat gepaard gaan met die risiko's van biotegnologie. Terwyl sekere waarnemers vir waaksaamheid pleit in die gebruik van GMOs, is daar ander wat voel dat 'n gebrek aan wetenskaplike bewyse van skade genoegsame gronde is vir die voortsetting van ontwikkelings in biotegnologie. Insgelyks is daar diegene wat meen dat biotegnologie markgedrewe in plaas van menslike behoefte gedrewe is, wat uiteindelik daartoe lei dat ontwikkelende state baie min voordeel daaruit trek. Die Kartagena Protokoloor bioveiligheid is opgestel om van die probleme betrokke by die oorgrens verskuiwing van GMOs aan te spreek. Hoewel dit spesifieke voordele vir ontikkelende state inhou is dit as reguleringsraamwerk beperk in omvang en aanwending. Ontwikkelende state het beperkte beleidsopsies om hulle behoefte om biodiversiteit te beskerm en voedselvoorsiening te verseker, aan te spreek. Dit beteken dat beduidende uitdagings en beperkings hierdie state in die benutting van globale regering van openbare goedere vir die bou van menslike en tegnologiese kapasiteite in die gesig staar.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study explores the impact China's accession to the WTO and growing economic ascendancy in the multilateral trading system is going to have on the developing world. The central problem addressed is whether China's accession and growing stature is going to be a competitive threat to the developing world or will China emerge as a collaborator to the developing world and assist in redressing the inequalities of the system. Three themes emerge and are dealt with in this study. The first addresses China as a developing nation itself and its overall position in relation to the rest of the developing world. Then China's growing economic progress and its internal developments are looked at. Finally China is evaluated as collaborator or competitor to the developing world. A descriptive and analytical approach is employed in this study. The complexity and the interplay between the multiple levels of analysis emerge in this study. In order to best address the role China is to play, China has to be set in the greater multilateral context, the regional context and then evaluated in conjunction with the internal dynamics which are unfolding. These perspectives together are of the utmost importance in determining the future role China is to play in relation to the developing world. Whether it will emerge as a collaborator or a competitor to the already marginalised developing sector of the trading system. The regional level of analysis is playing an increasingly important role in the current system as the regional units are proving more effective trading units than sole national units. Thus this study pays particular attention to the region in a case study focusing on South East Asia in relation to China. The multilateral level of analysis addressing China's role in relation to the developing world and the answer to the question of whether China is going to be collaborator or competitor to the developing world is of particular importance in the current global context. The developing world is increasingly calling for the inequalities prevalent in the system to be addressed and China's position in the current context and in relation to this current issue will play an important role. Despite the optimism surrounding China and its possible future the internal dynamics and context cannot be underestimated or neglected. The unfolding domestic developments that take place at the hands of the current leadership will playa deciding role in China's future. As China is in a transition and attempting a mix between a market-based economic system encapsulated in a socialist system it is a precarious situation that needs the careful attention of the leadership to best manage China's internal and external developments. The inclusion thus of China's internal dynamics, therefore cannot be neglected and have been included in this study. Current trends regarding China emerge and it is possible to make assumptions on the basis of these trends as to what China's future role entails. This then is looked at as to the impact these trends are going to have on the various contexts that China finds itself in and most importantly the impact that it is likely to have on the developing world. The possibilities of different impacts being played out in different time frames emerge as the most likely to manifest themselves. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die impak wat China se aansluiting by die WHO, en sy groeiende ekonomiese mag in die multilaterale handelsisteem, op die ontwikkelende wêreld het. Die sentrale vraag wat hier aangespreek word, is of China se aansluiting by die WHO 'n bedreiging inhou vir ontwikkelende ekonomieë en of dié land, alternatiewelik, sy posisie kan gebruik om laasgenoemde ekonomieë by te staan in hul stryd teen die ongelykhede van die huidige sisteem. Drie hooftemas is hier ter sprake. Die eerste handeloor China se status as ontwikkelende land, en sy algemene posisie vis a vis ander ontwikkelende lande. Die tweede, fokus op China se ekonomiese en interne ontwikkelings, terwyl die derde tema meer lig werp op die vraag of China beskou moet word as bondgenoot of mededinger van die ontwikkelende wêreld. 'n Deskriptiewe en analitiese benadering is VIr die doeleindes van die studie aangewend. Die kompleksiteit en interaksie tussen verskillende vlakke van analise kom in die studie na vore. Om China se rol in konteks te plaas, is dit nodig om daarna te kyk vanuit 'n streeksperspektief en dit in verband te bring met interne ontwikkelinge binne dié land. Hierdie perspektiewe, tesame, is kardinaal vir 'n beter begrip van China se toekomstige rol met betrekking to ander ontwikkelende lande. 'n Streeksanalise raak toenemend belangrik in die lig van die feit dat regionale eenhede algaande meer effektief funksioneer as individuele nasionale state. In hierdie studie word daar verallig gewerp op Suid-oos Asië, waarvan China deel uitmaak. Op die multi-laterale vlak van analise is dit ook van belang om vas te stel hoe China saloptree teenoor ontwikkelende lande na sy toetredede tot die WHO. Die ontwikkelende wêreld pleit vir die regstel van strukturele ongelykhede, en China kan moontlik hier 'n deurslaggewende rol speel. Ten spyte van hoë verwagtinge aangaande China se toekomstige rol, kan die land se interne konteks en dinamika nie buite rekening gelaat word nie. Ontwikkelinge wat tans binne China plaasvind sal 'n defnitiewe impak op die land se toekoms hê. China se unieke mengsel van 'n markgerigte ekonomie, wat funksioneer binne 'n breër sosialistiese opset, sal deeglike beplanning rakende die landse binne en buitelandse sake van sy leiers verg. Om hierdie rede het die studie ook klem gelê op die interne politiek dinamiek van China. Spesifieke tendense rakende China is besig om te ontwikkel, en dit raak algaande makliker om sekere afleidings aangaande die land se toekomstige rol binne die internasionale konteks te maak. Hierdie tendense is veral van belang wanneer daar gekyk word na China se toekomstige verhoudinge met die ontwikkelende wêreld. Dit wil dus voorkom asof uiteenlopende resultate hulself gedurende verskillende tydsgrepe sal manifesteer.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In recent years, so-called "anti-globalisation" protesters have become an expected, though to many an unwelcome feature at almost all meetings of international institutions and at intergovernmental summits. The protesters are usually portrayed as senselessly violent anarchists, ridiculed in the media as eccentrics and outsiders, while academics have as yet paid them little or no attention. This study attempts to determine whether the predominantly negative perception of the protesters is justified, or whether there is some merit to their concerns. The vague umbrella term anti-globalisation protesters tends to disguise the fact that many different and diverse groups are involved in the protest. Elements of social movement studies are drawn upon to structure the analysis of a number of groups that are represented on occasions of protest. The analysis reveals that the protests are well-organised, active in international networks, and rely very much on the internet to co-ordinate their efforts. From the perspective of social movement studies, the anti-globalisation league represents an interesting new phenomenon. This is due to its simultaneous presence in a multitude of countries, as well as its non-state focus. Effectively, the movement transcends state boundaries and state structures. The changing face of international politics is at the root of the formation of the antiglobalisation movement. A perceived loss of sovereignty and increased international multilateral co-operation has reduced the effectiveness of domestic and state-based campaigning and created an opportunity, if not the necessity, to form transnational groups that have international institutions as their focal point of protest. It is submitted that the movement may be a source for unconventional ideas that could go some way in addressing various problems related to the ever-advancing process of globalisation. This may be accomplished by way of greater formalisation of the movement, and possibly with support from other prominent voices who are not anti-globalisation activists as such, yet in essence share many of the concerns of the protesters. In this way, the anti-globalisation movement could develop into a credible entity to complement the functioning of existing international institutions. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Protes aksies teen globalisering is gedurende die laaste paar jare 'n bekende, maar nie noodwendig 'n welkome verskynsel by feitlik alle vergaderings van internasionale organisasies en staatsberade. In die algemeen word die protesteerders beskou as gewelddadige anargiste, en word hulle in die pers as eienaardige buitestaanders beskryf. Academici het tot dusver ook nie veel aandag aan hierdie verskynsel bestee nie. Die doel van hierdie studie is om vas te stelof die meestal negatiewe opvattings van deelname in aktiewe protes teen globalisering geregverdig is. Die besware van die aktiviste is dalk realisties en nie ongegrond nie. Die vae begrip van anti-globalisering protesteerders is misleidend, omdat dit die groot aantal verskillende groepe tydens die protesaksies verberg. Beginsels van sosiale bewegingsstudies is geraadpleeg om die analise van verskeie groepe wat by protesaksies teenwoordig is, te struktureer. Hierdie analise wys dat die deelnemers aan protesaksies goed georganiseerd is, en dat hulle baie aktief is in internasionale netwerke, en hoofsaaklik op die internet staat maak om hulle bedrywighede te koordineer. Vanuit die standpunt van sosiale bewegingsstudies is die anti-globalisering aksie 'n baie interessante verskynsel omdat die beweging in baie lande teenwoordig is, en omdat dit nie staatsentries is nie. Staatsgrense en tradisionele staatstruktuure word dus oorskry. Veranderinge in die internasionale politieke arena is beslis die rede vir die vorming van die anti-globaliseringsbeweging. Dit word beweer dat die toename in internasionale multilaterale samewerking die trefkrag van aktivisme binne die grense en die konteks van die staat verminder het. Die geleentheid, en dalk noodsaaklikheid, is dus geskep om internasionale groepe te vorm wat hul protes op internasionale organisasies fokus. Die studie stel voor dat die beweging dalk die oorsprong van onkonvensionele idees kan wees wat baie van die negatiewe effekte en probleme wat verbonde is met die globaliseringsproses, sal aanspreek en help om hulle op te los. Voordat dit kan gebeur, moet die beweging egter 'n meer formele vorm aanneem, 'n proses wat beslis gesteun sal word deur groepe en indiwidue wat nie noodwendig anti-globalisering aktiviste is nie, maar wel baie van dieselfde belange het. Op hierdie manier sal dit dalk moontlik wees vir die anti-globaliseringsbeweging om "n geloofwaardige entiteit te word, wat die werk van bestaande internasionale organisasies sal komplimenteer.