Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study focuses on the role of political elites in addressing the problem of why a durable peace has eluded Israeli Palestine. A theoretical background study was made on the articulation of identity within a civilization. This established identity formation as a political process. To see how the manipulation of the structure within which identity formation processes take place, six critical indicators were identified. These are: Manufacturing conditions of underdevelopment; Un-integrated social and political systems, and distributive injustice; Fostering cleavages, stereotypical images and political symbolism; Placing issues under the 'sign of security'; The production of insecurity through the manipulation of identity formation processes; and Monopolising the conflict resolution process. Political elite creation and perpetuation of structures for conflict shows an inherent inability to bring about a lasting peace in a protracted social conflict for conflict has become the source, rather than the outcome of policy formation. As a result this thesis calls for a more inclusive approach to conflict resolution, one that goes beyond the processes of arbitration, mediation, negotiation and facilitation, to include conciliation at grass roots level between civilizations, sincerely exploring the underlying emotional legacies of fear, hatred, sorrow and mistrust. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie fokus op die rol gespeel deur politieke elites in die voortslepende vraagstuk rondom vrede in Israel/Palestina. 'n Teoretiese agtergrondstudie is onderneem om die uitdrukking van 'n samelewing oftewel volksidentiteit te ondersoek. Die studie het laat blyk dat identiteitsformulering 'n politieke proses is. Om waar te neem hoe die manipulasie van die struktuur waarbinne identiteitsformulering plaasvind, is ses kritiese indikators geïdentifiseer, te wete: die skepping van toestande vir onderontwikkeling; ongeïntegreerde sosiale en politieke sisteme en ongelyke verdeling van welvaart; doelbewuste voortsetting van etniese verskille, stereotipering en politieke simbolisme; plasing van kwessies onder die vaandel van "sekuriteit"; die produksie van "onsekerheid" deur die manipulasie van identiteitsformulering prosesse; en die manipulasie van konflik resolusie prosedures. Skepping en doelbewuste voortsetting van strukture vir konflik deur politieke elites dui op 'n onvermoë om langdurige vrede in 'n 'uitgerekte sosiale konflik' te bewerkstellig. Konflik het die oorsprong, eerder as die uitkoms van beleid geword. As gevolg van hierdie feite doen die tesis 'n beroep dat konflik resolusie as dissipline 'n meer inklusiewe benadering volg. Die resolusie prosesse van mediasie, arbitrasie, fasilitering en onderhandeling is opsigself nie genoeg nie en behoort vergesel te word deur die proses van konsiliasie op grondvlak tussen samelewings. Hierdie proses moet deel vorm van 'n opregtheid om mense se vrese, haat, seer en wantroue met ootmoed aan te hoor.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Free trade is said to maximize welfare in a world organized by nation-states. To participate in the global economy more effectively most nation-states have implemented economic policies with the objective of freeing international trade. This movement has been facilitated by the process of globalization which has had unparalleled effects on the economic policies of countries worldwide. However, countries-have found it increasingly difficult to manage their economies at the multilateral level since the benefits of global free trade are not equally shared. This has led to an increase in Regional Integration Agreements (RIAs), which are seen as a tool for strategic growth and development while promoting free trade on a more restricted basis. In the last decades of the 20th century, the world has seen an increase in the number of RIAs particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa, However, empirical evidence has shown, contrary to what happened in Europe, that in Africa most attempts at economic integration have failed to promote meaningful economic growth and development. Notwithstanding that, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) has embraced economic integration as a strategy for growth in the region. Focusing on SADC and the Angolan economy as the main units of analysis, this study looks at the theory of economic integration to evaluate its validity for the African context and to find out how useful integration is in promoting economic growth and development in less developed countries. The study concludes that economic integration theory, which was developed within the context of European economies, is not relevant for African economies, which are different in character. Evidence indicates for instance, that in Africa the most important gains from economic integration are dynamic and not static, as the theory seems to suggest. Additionally, contrary to what happened in former attempts at forming RlAs in Africa, SADC has implemented a development integration approach aiming at industrialization. This is important, because according to the "Krugman-Venables model of regional relocation" the least developed countries can benefit from trade and investment from the most developed ones. The SADe Free Trade Protocol may be harmful for the Angolan economy in the short to medium term because of structural problems. However, it was found that if properly implemented it could playa major role in promoting growth and development in the longer term. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Vrye handel, so word beweer, vermeerder welvaart in 'n wêreld wat deur nasie-state georganiseer word. Die ekonomiese beleid van nasie-state is daarop gemik om internasionale handel te dereguleer, ten einde hulle in staat te stelom meer effektief binne die globale ekonomie deel te neem. Hierdie proses is gefasiliteer deur die verskynsel van globalisering wat ongeëwenaarde gevolge vir alle state in die wêreld meegebring het. Nietemin, vind state dit in toenemende mate moeilik om hierdie proses op multilaterale vlak te bestuur, aangesien die voordele van internasionale handel nie in gelyke mate gedeel word nie. Dit het gely tot 'n toename in Streeksintegrasie-Ooreenkornste (SIO's ). Hierdie ooreenkomste word beskou as 'n ekonomiese groei en ontwikkeling-strategie, terwyl internasionale handelop 'n meer beperkte grondslag bevorder word. Tydens die laatse dekades van die twintigste eeu, het die aantal SIO's (veral in Sub-Sahara Afrika) toegeneem. In teenstelling met die ervaring van die Europese Unie, dui die feite aan dat pogings tot ekonomiese integrasie in Afrika nie daarin geslaag het om betekenisvolle ontwikkeling en ekonomiese groei te bevorder nie. Nietemin, het die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG) handels-integrasie aanvaar as 'n strategie vir ekonomiese groei in die streek (met as instrument die SAOG Vryehandel-protokol). Met fokus op die SAOG en Angola as eenhede van analise, evalueer die studie die liberale teorie van ekonomiese integrasie, ten einde uitspraak te lewer oor die geldigheid daarvan binne die konteks van Afrika, Tweedens, word daar ook aandag geskenk aan die vraag of ekonomiese integrasie 'n optimale strategie is vir die bevordering van ekonomiese groei en ontwikkeling in minder-ontwikkelde lande. Die gevolgtrekking wat gemaak word is dat ekonomiese integrasie (soos ontwikkel binne die Wes-Europese konteks) nie relevant is vir die eiesoortige omstandighede van Afrikastate nie. Daar is, onder andere, bevind dat die belangrikste voordele van integrasie in Afrika dinamies is, en nie staties nie (soos die teorie van ekonomiese integrasie dit in die vooruitsig stel). Daarby, en teenstrydig met vorige pogings tot die vorming van SIO's in Afrika, het die SAOG 'n ontwikkelings integrasie benadering aanvaar. Hierdie benadering is gemik op eweredige industrialisering in die streek. Dit is 'n belangrike punt, want volgens die "Krugman-Venables model van streekshervestiging" kan die minder ontwikkelde state voordeel trek van handel met, en beleggings uit die meer ontwikkelde state in die streek. Laatstens, is daar bevind dat die SAOG Vryehandel-protokol in die kort tot medium termyn nadelige gevolge vir Angola sal meebring. Dit is as gevolg van strukturele probleme in die Angolese ekonomie. Nietemin, indien behoorlik geïmplementeer, kan dit 'n betekenisvolle rol speel in die bevordering van ekonomiese groei en ontwikkeling oor die lang termyn.

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Southern Africa as a region requires a rallying point from where they can integrate and mobilize their resources in order to create a security community, which acts both as a deterrent to the outbreak of conflict and regional bloc to protect local industries from global forces. The Southern African Development Community (SADC) does not have the strong relationship which usually exists between states that share a common goal or interest. The study argues that the lack of leadership within the region accounts for the weak cooperative relationship that presently exists in Southern Africa. This study argues that regionalization does not come about unless the states in a particular region want it. It may come about through spontaneous or unintended convergence in terms of political regime, economic policy or security, but often one can identify a triggering political event which sets the process in motion. The study argues that the Development Corridors apparent in Southern Africa can act as the triggering event and have the promise to forge the most feasible cooperation amongst regional states. The phenomenon of Peace Parks rooted in the Spatial Development Initiatives, offer a unique type of regional integration embedded on traditional focal areas and Southern African Identity. This study intends to analyze the potential ability of regional hegemony to foster peace through development. The primary objective of this study consequently is to examine the role of regional hegemonies as tools for peace; using South Africa’s hegemony in Southern Africa as a case study. This study describes the importance of South Africa as a regional hegemon to lead the process of creating a peaceful co-existence in SADC. To achieve the research objectives the following questions have been formulated: What is South Africa’s role as a development partner in Southern Africa? The second research question asks how the political economy of regionalism is apparent in the Spatial Development Indicators (Development Corridors). Specifically what contribution could Spatial Development Initiatives make towards SADC’s regional integration objectives? The research questions provide an impression of major socio-political developments looming in the region and also seek to provide the required tools to analyze and understand what is going on in Southern Africa today. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Suider-Afrikaanse streek het ’n definitiewe behoefte om ‘n sentrale punt te identifiseer waar beide integrasie kan plaasvind en hulpbronne gemobiliseer kan word om ’n veiligheids gemeenskap te skep. Dit kan as ’n definitiewe teenvoeter dien vir die onstaan van konflik en om plaaslike industrie te beskerm teen die soms negatiewe invloed van internasionale magte. Die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelings Gemeenskap (SAOG) het huidiglik nie ’n sterk verhouding wat tussen state met gemeenskaplike doelwitte en belange heers nie. Die kern argument van hierdie studie is dat die tekort aan leierskap binne die streek een van die hoofoorsake is vir die algemene swak samewerking wat tans bestaan in Suider-Afrika. Die studie argumenteer dat sogenaamde streeks/regionale integrasie nie tot stand kan kom tensy die state in ’n spesifieke streek ’n definitiewe behoefte daartoe het nie. Dit kan wel onstaan deur middel van ’n spontane samevloei van politieke regimes, ekonomiese beleid en veiligheid. Daar is soms egter ’n spesifieke gebeurtenis wat die proses laat onstaan. Die studie argumenteer dat die sogenaamde Ontwikkelings Deurgange (‘Development Corridors’) wat tans in Suider-Afrika ontwikkel as ’n moontlike vertrekpunt gesien kan word wat die beste kans bied om samewerking tussen state te bevorder. Die onstaan van Vredes Parke (‘Peace Parks’) gevestig binne die Ontwikkelings Deurgange, bied ’n unieke vorm van regionale integrasie in Suider-Afrika. Hierdie studie het ten doel om die potensiële moontlikheid van regionale hegemonie om vrede te bewerkstellig deur middel van ontwikkeling te ontleed. Die hoof doelwit van hierdie studie is om die rol van regionale hegemonie as instrument van vrede te ontleed. Die studie sal spesifiek die gevallestudie van Suid-Afrika se regionale hegemonie in Suider-Afrika ondersoek. Hierdie studie beskryf die belangrikheid van Suid-Afrika as ’n streeks moondheid om die leiding te neem om vreedsame samewerking binne die SAOG te bewerkstellig. Die volgende belangrike vrae is in hierdie studie gestel: Wat is Suid-Afrika se rol as ’n ontwikkelings-vennoot in Suider-Afrika? Die tweede vraag probeer vasstel tot watter mate die politieke ekonomie van regionale samewerking tans bestaan in die Omgewings Ontwikkelings Indikatore (die sogenaamde ‘Development Corridors’). Watter spesifieke bydraes kan hierdie inisiatiewe lewer om die SAOG se regionale integrasie doelwitte te bereik? Die vrae probeer ’n geheel indruk skep hoe die Omgewings-Ontwikkelings Inisiatiewe (‘Spatial Development Initiatives’) tans bydra om ’n beter begrip te skep van huidige verwikkelinge in Suider-Afrika.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Somalia has experienced constant instability and conflict for nearly two decades. With a collapsed state, widespread violence and criminal activity, as well as continued disagreement between warring factions, the prospect of peace seems bleak. The purpose and rationale of this research has been to critically examine root causes and perpetuating factors of the protracted war in Somalia in order to arrive at a comprehensive analysis of the reasons for the intractability of this conflict. This study aims to fill a gap in the literature by pointing to some elements which have previously been overlooked in existing research on the topic, especially the impact of the war economy on the fuelling of the conflict. While the thesis first and foremost set out to identify factors which contribute to the intractability of conflict in Somalia, a thorough conceptualisation of relevant theory and a historical overview of the case study were provided as a point of departure. An analysis then followed which tied theory to empirical data. According to my analysis, the most significant internal factors contributing to intractability of conflict in Somalia were the long absence of a central governing authority, the low level of economic development, the role of Islam, as well as particular choices made by the parties to the conflict. Relational factors which are crucial are the similar military strength of the opposing sides, their lack of cooperation, and their different views regarding the country’s law and governance. Finally, external factors were deemed to have had a particularly strong effect on the long war. Ethiopia’s constant meddling; Eritrea’s support of al-Shabaab; the UN’s and the AU’s various missions; as well as the presence of a plethora of humanitarian aid agencies have shaped the conflict throughout its course. The conclusion was drawn that the war economy had the greatest impact on conflict in the first rounds of the civil war, but with the transformation, re-escalation and re-intensification of the conflict that has occurred over the last couple of years, the opportunities for benefiting from war and instability may again have increased. Piracy stands out as a new, prominent pillar of the contemporary war economy. The war economy of today continues to have an influence on the Somali conflict; it adds to its intractability, makes it increasingly difficult to establish a legitimate and stable non-corrupt government, and generally sustains violence in the country. I suggest that further research be undertaken on the topic of state collapse in Somalia, as it is clear that the long absence of a central government is a factor which has had a significant impact on the prolongation of conflict. In addition, as accurate data on the current war economy is rare, I recommend that field research should be conducted in Somalia to gain a more precise understanding of shadowy economic activities and their linkages to conflict. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Somalië beleef vir byna twee dekades konstante onstabiliteit en konflik. Met wydverspreide geweld, kriminele aktiwiteite, voortgesette verskille tussen strydende faksies en die verbrokkeling van die Somaliese staat, lyk die vooruitsig vir vrede in die land onwaarskynlik. Die doel en rasionaal van hierdie navorsing is om krities te ondersoek wat die grondoorsake en verewigings faktore is, van die uitgerekte oorlog in Somalië. Die navoring meen dus, om 'n omvattende ontleding te gee van die redes vir die hardnekkigheid van konflik in die land. Die studie poog ook om 'n gaping in die literatuur te vul deur te wysig op kritiese elemente wat nalatig was in bestaande navorsing en meer fokus te gee aan die impak van die oorlogsekonomie wat konflik in Somalië aanspoor. Alhoewel die proefskrif hoofsaaklik poog om die faktore wat bydra tot die hardnekkigheid van konflik in Somalië te bestudeer, word 'n deeglike begrip van die toepaslike teorie en 'n historiese oorsig van die studie voorsien as die vertrekpunt van die navorsing. Dit word dan opgevolg deur ‘n analise, wat die teorie bind aan empiriese data. Volgens my analise is die belangrikste interne faktore wat bydra tot die hardnekkigheid van konflik in Somalië; die lang afwesigheid van 'n sentrale beherende gesag, die lae vlak van ekonomiese ontwikkeling, die invloed van Islam, sowel as unieke keuse van partye tot die konflik. Relevante faktore wat noodsaaklik is, is die soortgelyke militêre krag van die opponerende kante, die gebrek aan samewerking, en hul teenstrydige standpunte oor die land se wet en bestuur. Laastens is daar gevind dat eksterne faktore 'n besonder sterk invloed gehad het op die langdurigheid van die oorlog. Ethiopië se konstante inmenging, Eritrea se ondersteuning van al-Shabaab, die VN en AU se verskeie misies, asook die teenwoordigheid van 'n oorvloed van humanitêre hulpagentskappe het deel gehad in die formulering van konflik oor tyd. Die gevolgtrekking was dat die oorlogsekonomie die grootste impak gehad het op die konflik in die eerste rondtes van die burgeroorlog, maar met die transformasie-, her-eskalasie en reintensivering van die konflik oor die afgelope paar jaar, is daar weereens ‘n styging in die geleenthede vir individue om te baat uit die onstabiliteit en oorlog. Seerowery staan uit as 'n nuwe, prominente pilaar van die huidige oorlogsekonomie. Die huidige oorlogsekonomie het nog steeds 'n invloed op die Somaliese konflik, dit dra by tot sy hardnekkigheid, maak dit toenemend moeilik om ‘n wettige en stabiele onkorrupte regering te stig en dit fasiliteer die voortduur van geweld in die land. Ek stel voor dat verdere navorsing onderneem word oor die onderwerp van die ineenstorting van die staat in Somalië. Dit is duidelik dat die lang afwesigheid van 'n sentrale regering 'n beduidende faktor is, wat ‘n impak op die verlenging van konflik het. Verder, omdat akkurate data oor die huidige oorlogsekonomie so skaars is, beveel ek aan dat verdere navorsing gedoen moet word om ‘n meer akkurate begrip van donker ekonomiese aktiwiteite in Somalië te kry en hul impak op konflik.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The deteriorating human rights situations in Myanmar and Zimbabwe have drawn concerns from the international community. Mainly Western states and NGOs have criticised both governments and urged strong action from the regional organisations, namely ASEAN and SADC. However, because of the deeply rooted non-intervention norm in these regions, Southeast Asia and Southern Africa, the human rights situation in both states long remained serious. Recently however, ASEAN has taken up a strong stance towards Myanmar. On the contrary, SADC has showed reluctance to respond to the human rights violations in Zimbabwe. The question arises why these two regional organisations have showed different responses? In other words, the ASEAN member states have become relaxed and accepted the new human rights norm, discarding the traditional non-intervention norm, while the SADC member states still stick to the norm of non-intervention. In order to find answers, the focus in this thesis is on the process of socialisation which means that the actors adopt new norms which are also accepted by society as a whole. Three mechanisms which lead to socialisation, namely strategic calculation, role-playing and normative suasion, are discussed. The conclusion reached is that regional organisation can play a role in inducing the member states to accept the new norm, in the process the regional organisation is also socialised through interaction with other international organisations and actors. Here, historical background, and particularly the process of gaining independence in SADC heavily influenced the socialisation process in this region. SADC member states‘ liberation struggle against colonialism and apartheid led to the formation of strong bonds among member states that has made it difficult for respective state leaders to criticise each other. Such strong bonds do not exist in Southeast Asia. In Southeast Asia, member states interact actively with external actors such as the EU and NGOs. Thus they become receptive to human rights norms; in turn, the regional organisation itself has been socialised and has become relaxed enough to discard the non-intervention norm. Also an increasingly large middle class has become interested in the human rights situation in its neighbouring countries. These are the factors which have led to the differing responses from ASEAN and SADC to human rights abuses in their regions. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Nadat hulle onafhanklikheid gekry het, het die menseregte situasie in Myanmar en Zimbabwe agteruitgegaan. Die internasionale gemeenskap, meestal Westerse state en nie-regerings organisasies het albei regerings gekritiseer en die streeksorganisasies, naamlik ASEAN en SADC, dringend versoek om streng op te tree. Weens die diep-gewortelde nie-intervensie norm in beide Suidoos-Asië en Suider-Afrika het die menseregte situasie egter lank ernstig gebly. ASEAN het egter meer onlangs sterk standpunt ingeneem teenoor Myanmar. Maar SADC is nog steeds onwillig om te reageer op die menseregte vergrype in Zimbabwe. Die vraag is nou waarom hierdie twee streeksorganisasies so verskillend opgetree het. Die lidstate van ASEAN het ontspanne geraak en die nuwe menseregte norme aanvaar en die tradisionele nie-intervensie norm laat vaar, terwyl SADC lidstate nog hou by die nie-intervensie norm . In die soek na antwoorde, is die fokus van hierdie tesis op die proses van sosialisering wat beteken dat die akteurs nuwe norme wat deur die internasionale gemeenskap as geheel aanvaar word, aanneem. Die drie meganismes wat lei tot sosialisering, naamlik strategiese berekening, rol-speling en normatiewe oorreding, word bespreek. Die slotsom waartoe gekom word is dat streeksorganisasies ‘n rol kan speel in die oorreding van lidstate om die nuwe norm te aanvaar en dat die streeksorganisasies in die proses deur interaksie met ander internasionale organisasies en akteurs, self gesosialiseer word. Historiese agtergrond en veral die proses waardeur onafhanklikheid in die lande van Suider-Afrika verkry is, het die sosialisasie proses in die area beïnvloed. SADC lidstate se vryheidstryd teen kolonialisme en apartheid het sterk bande tussen lidstate gesmee en dit moeilik gemaak vir die leiers van die state om mekaar te kritiseer. Daar bestaan nie sulke sterk bande in Suidoos-Asië nie. Verder is daar in Suidoos-Asië aktiewe interaksie met ander organisasies soos die Europese Unie en met nie-regerings organisasies. Dus is hulle meer ontvanklik vir menseregte norms. Op hulle beurt is die streeksorganisasies ook gesosialiseer en het hulle ontspanne genoeg geraak om af te sien van die nie-intervensie norm. Die groeiende middelklas het ook geïnteresseerd geraak in die menseregte situasie in hulle eie en in die buurlande. Dit is die faktore wat gelei het tot die verskillende reaksies van ASEAN en SADC tot die menseregte vergrype in hulle onderskeie streke.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Despite the validity of arguments highlighting the inadequacy of existing theories to explain Third World and specifically African realities, criticism has perpetuated, rather than disarmed, status quo theories. This is because focus on (and thus within) the existing conceptual framework has impeded vision beyond these barriers, thereby hampering the formation of new, more applicable theories. The intellectual balance of power and methodological hegemony of the West is perpetuated, on the African continent through Western monopoly over course content in tertiary education as well as the preferences of publishers for Africanist rather than African contributions. This study provides a critical assessment of scholarly dominance on the topic of Africa in order contribute to a greater understanding of the dynamics acting to exclude non-Western ideas and experiences from the IR narrative. The study provides a content analysis of 25 peer-rated influential journals publishing IR content for the period January 2000 to August 2010. The aim was to identify dominant themes and scholars on the topic of Africa in IR. General biographical information on the five highest ranking scholars in terms of publication exposure was gathered in order to assess networks of academic and professional affiliation that could have contributed to their publishing success. Dominant themes vary between African, Third World and international-oriented journals. Governance is a prevalent theme throughout, but African journals prefer intervention to the international journals’ preoccupation with conflict in Africa. Third World Journals place development first. The five most prolific authors are Ian Taylor, Kevin C. Dunn, Cameron G. Thies, Nana K. Poku and Chris Alden. They are all currently lecturing at either American or British academic institutions and are all Africanists, save for Poku who is a diasporic African. Networks of affiliation are established through institutions of higher education primarily and through societal memberships. The internet does not seem to be an important tool of networking amongst Africanists. Dominant authors tend to collaborate, serve as article reviewers or on editorial boards of journals for which they also submit articles, and as research grant proposal reviewers, thus also constituting the gatekeepers in academia. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Ten spyte van geldige argumente wat aanvoer dat bestaande teorieë nie in staat is daartoe om Derdewêreld ervarings – spesifiek dié van Afrika – genoegsaam te begryp nie, het kritiek eerder hierdie teorieë versterk as ontsetel. Dit is omdat fokus op (en dus vanuit) bestaande teoretiese raamwerke die oorweging van elemente buite hierdie raamwerke onmoontlik maak, en sodoende die ontstaan van nuwe, meer verteenwoordigende raamwerke, teenwerk. Die intellektuele magsbalans en metodologiese hegemonie van die Weste word voortgesit, selfs op die Afrika kontinent, deur Westerse monopolie oor die kursusinhoude van tersiêre instansies, sowel as deur die voorkeur wat Afrikaniste se bydraes geniet bo dié van Afrikane vir publikasie. Hierdie studie bied ‘n kritiese analise van dominansie in kundigheid oor die onderwerp van Afrika om sodoende by te dra tot ‘n meer omskrywende geheelbeeld van die dinamiek wat nie-Westerse idees en ervarings uitsluit tot die diskoers van Internasionale Betrekkinge. Die navorsing is in die vorm van ‘n inhoudsanalise van 25 invloedryke joernale wat inhoud relevant tot Internasionale Betrekkinge publiseer, vir die periode Januarie 2000 tot Augustus 2010. Die doel is om dominante temas en kundiges oor die onderwerp van Afrika se internasionale betrekkinge te identifiseer. Biografiese inligting oor die vyf mees bedrewe kundiges in terme van publikasies is ingesamel om die netwerke van akademiese en professionele affiliasie wat moontlik tot hulle status kon bydra, te assesseer. Dominante temas verskil tussen Afrika-, Derdewêreld- en internasionaal-georiënteerde joernale. Regeerkunde is deurgaans ‘n prominente tema, maar die Afrika-joernale verkies intervensie teenoor die internasionale joernale se fokus op konflik in Afrika. Derdewêreld-joernale plaas meer klem op ontwikkeling. Die vyf mees bedrewe outeurs is Ian Taylor, Kevin C. Dunn, Cameron G. Thies, Nana K. Poku en Chris Alden. Hulle is almal lektore by Amerikaanse of Britse akademiese instansies en, behalwe vir Poku wat deel van die Afrika diaspora vorm, is hulle almal Afrikaniste. Netwerke van affiliasie word deur instansies van hoër opleiding of lidmaatskap aan professionele assosiasies bewerkstellig. Die internet is klaarblyklik nie ‘n baie belangrik instrument in kontakbouing vir Afrikaniste nie. Dominante outeurs is geneig om saam te skryf, hulle is dikwels die artikelkeurders vir joernale of dien op die redaksie en tree ook dikwels in ‘n hoedanigheid van keurders van navorsingsbefondsing op. As sulks is hulle gelyk die dominante akademici as die waghonde van die ivoortoring.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Canada between 1945 and 2010 has been classified as a prominent "middle power." At the same time its relative standing among nations has been declining and it has less regard in the world than it once did. Middle power theory seeks to classify those nations who in the wake of the Second World War were neither great powers nor non- great powers. The idea of middlepowermanship greatly appealed to Canadians and they undertook initiatives to separate themselves from the non-great powers. Canada is often seen as the exemplary case for observing middle power status. Through the post war era and the Cold War Canada was both economically and politically powerful. By getting involved in a plethora of multi-lateral bodies such as the United Nations and the Commonwealth while promoting peacekeeping and mediation, Canada was able to exert its growing influence on the world order. Throughout this time Canada worked hard to build its reputation as a mediator and specialized in ending quarrels. This is true of Canada’s involvement in the Commonwealth in the 1960s and 1970s with regard to the Rhodesian question. On two separate occasions it was the Canadian contingents that prevented the Commonwealth from dissipating. This further bolstered Canada’s rise to prominence in the world order. Over the years, as Canada took on more initiatives resources became very thinly spread. With an economic slow down and new commitments to national policies (universal healthcare and pensions) the Canadian budget was rearranged and priorities changed. No longer were there the same resources available to middle power initiatives or the military. This has greatly impacted Canada’s ability to participate in international projects. Recently, Canada’s position in the world has come into question, asking whether or not it truly is still a middle power. By looking at various traditional middle power elements including the economy, peacekeeping, official development assistance and involvement in multilateral bodies it can be seen that Canada’s prominence is waning. Using the case study of Zimbabwean/ Canadian relations through the 20th and 21st centuries, the decline of Canada’s middle power performance can be traced. Combining these different themes with hard and soft power theory it is clear to see that Canada no longer holds the same position of middle power it once did. It also shows that Canadians are holding onto an image of Canada, which is dated, and it is time to redefine Canada’s position within the world order. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Tussen 1945 en 2010 is Kanada geklassifiseer as ’n prominente “middelmag.” Terselfdertyd het Kanada se relatiewe posisie ten opsigte van ander nasies begin afneem en minder aansien in die wêreld geniet as voorheen. Die middelmag-teorie poog om daardie nasies te klassifiseer wat na die Tweede Wêreldoorlog nóg grootmagte, nóg kleinmagte was. Die Kanadese was aangetrokke tot die idee van middelmagskap en hulle het inisiatiewe onderneem om hulself van ander nie-grootmagte te onderskei. Kanada word dikwels gesien as die toonbeeld van die middelmag rol. Gedurende die post-oorlog era, asook tydens die Koue Oorlog was Kanada beide ekonomies en polities invloedryk. Deur betrokke te raak in multi-laterale instellings soos die Verenigde Nasies en die Statebond, en terselfdertyd vredeskepping en bemiddeling te bevorder, kon Kanada sy groeiende invloed op die wêreld orde uitoefen. Gedurende hierdie tyd het Kanada hard gewerk om sy reputasie as bemiddelaar gestand te doen en te spesialiseer in die beëindiging van dispute. Laasgenoemde word veral waargeneem in Kanada se betrokkenheid in die Statebond met betrekking tot die Rhodesië-vraagstuk in die 1960s en 1970s. Op twee verskillende geleenthede was dit die Kanadese invloed wat verhoed het dat die Statebond ontbind. Dit het gesorg dat Kanada se prestige en prominensie in die wêreld orde toegeneem het. Oor die jare het Kanada meer inisiatiewe aangegaan en het die hulpbronne verminder. Dit, tesame met ’n stadige groeiende ekonomie en nuwe nasionale verpligtinge soos universele gesondheidsorg en pensioenfonds moes die Kanadese begroting herrangskik word en prioriteite moes verander. Daar was nie meer dieselfde hulpbronne beskikbaar vir middelmag- inisiatiewe of die weermag nie. Dit het grootliks Kanada se vermoë beïnvloed om aan internasionale inisiatiewe deel te neem. Onlangs het Kanada se posisie in die wêreld onder die loep gekom, en dit word bevraagteken of Kanada nog werklik ’n middelmag is. Deur te kyk na verskillende tradisionele middelmagelemente soos die ekonomie, vredeskepping, amptelike ontwikkelingsbystand en die betrokkenheid in die multilaterale organisasies, word dit waargeneem dat Kanada se prominensie afneem. Deur gebruik te maak van die gevallestudie van die Zimbabwe/Kanada-verhoudinge deur die 20ste en 21ste eeu, kan die afname van Kanada se middelmag-funksie waargeneem word. Met die kombinering van reeds genoemde temas met die teorieë van harde en sagte mag, kan dit duidelik gesien word dat Kanada nie meer dieselfde posisie van middelmag beklee wat dit eens gehad het nie. Verder wys dit dat die Kanadese aan ’n beeld van Kanada vasklou wat ouderwets is, en dat dit tyd is om Kanada se posisie te herdefinieer in die huidige wêreld orde.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: African affairs have traditionally not occupied a central place in Norway’s official foreign policy, and relations with countries in West Africa have been limited. However, in recent years, resource-rich countries such as Angola – Africa’s largest oil producer – have become the focus of Norwegian strategic interests. Private and public investments are increasing rapidly, paralleling a larger focus on aid. Today, Angola is a core country within Norway’s most prominent petroleum-related assistant programme, Oil for Development (OfD). This thesis will aim to contribute, by means of a critical political economy analysis, to a better understanding of Norway’s role in Angola through OfD. Specifically, this study aims to question who and what structures Norway really is aiding in Angola. Such an objective will be achieved by firstly using critical theory to demonstrate Norway’s role as a traditional middle power – through which Norway seeks to export an altruistic perception of a ‘do-good- image’ – is underpinned by a deeper national self-interest. Secondly, the thesis questions the theoretical foundation of OfD, and, thirdly, it attempts to identify whom the OfD programme is aiding. Ultimately, the thesis questions whether Norway is promoting sustainable development in Angola, or whether, instead, it is contributing to maintaining a status quo, from which Norway as a middle power continues to benefit. The study illustrates that Norway, as a middle power, has neither the capacity nor the national self-interest to achieve fundamental change in Angola. Norway’s commitment to the good governance agenda, and the belief in solutions offered by the resource curse thesis, is tackling the symptoms of Angola’s underdevelopment, rather than its root causes. OfD adopts a state-centric approach, which accepts the political economy structures in Angola, and gives limited attention to global structures and civil society. The thesis offers an alternative analysis, which illustrates how OfD is masking a neo-liberal development approach by incorporating Norwegian business interests and development goals in the same programme. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Afrika sake het tradisioneel nie 'n sentrale plek in Noorweë se amptelike buitelandse beleid beklee nie, en verhoudings met die westelike deel van die Afrika-kontinent is beperk. Tydens die afgelope jare het olie-ryk lande, soos Angola, egter die fokus van Noorweegse strategiese belange geword. Angola is vandag 'n kern land binne Noorweë se mees prominente petroleum-verwante hulpverleningsprogram, Oil for Development (OfD). Hierdie tesis het ten doel om, deur middel van 'n kritiese politieke ekonomie ontleding, by te dra tot ’n beter begrip van Noorweë se rol in Angola deur die OfD. Spesifiek bevraagteken hierdie studie aan wie en watter strukture in Angola Noorweë hulp verleen. Dit sal gedoen word deur eerstens gebruik te maak van kritiese teorie om te demonstreer dat Noorweë se rol as 'n tradisionele middelmoondheid – waardeur Noorweë poog om 'n altruïstiese persepsie van die staat uit te dra – onderskryf word deur 'n dieper nasionale selfbelang. Tweedens sal hierdie studie die teoretiese begronding van OfD bevraagteken, en derdens poog om te identifiseer wie deur die OfD program ondersteun word. Laastens sal die tesis bevraagteken of Noorweë volhoubare ontwikkeling in Angola bevorder, en eerder bydra tot die instandhouding van die status quo, waaruit Noorweë as 'n middelmoondheid voordeel trek. Die studie sal illustreer dat Noorweë, as ‘n middelmoondheid, nie die kapasiteit of die nasionale selfbelang het om fundamentele verandering in Angola te weeg te bring nie. Norweë se ondersteuning van die ‘good governance’ agenda, en oplossings wat deur die sogenaamde ‘hulpbronvloek’ tesis aangebied word, spreek die simptome van Angola se onder-ontwikkeldheid aan, eerder as die kernoorsake. OfD funksioneer op grond van ‘n staat-sentriese benadering, wat die politieke ekonomiese strukture in Angola aanvaar, en beperkte aandag aan globale strukture en die burgerlike samelewing gee. Hierdie tesis bied ‘n alternatiewe analise, wat wys hoe OfD eintlik ‘n neoliberale ontwikkelingsbenadering volg wat Noorweegse besigheids- en ontwikkelingsdoelwitte in dieselfde program inkorporeer.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis aims to measure President Barack Obama’s level of presidential agency in foreign policy, in order to determine whether he will be able to achieve his ambitious goal of renewing US leadership in foreign affairs. To do so, this thesis will make use of a two-level analysis: The primary level of analysis will focus on the office of the president, and the constitutionally determined formal powers it confers on the president. It will also study the constraints placed on the president by the powers conferred on other branches of government, as well as the institutional and societal context in which the president must function. The second level of analysis will focus on the president as an individual, and the role that a number of personality traits and informal powers play in presidential agency. The central hypothesis of this thesis is that while all presidents are exposed to roughly the same set of institutional constraints, an individual president’s level of agency depends on their utilisation of a number of informal powers. In order to measure this hypothesis, a five-point framework will be developed by abstracting from the existing literature on informal powers. This framework will consist of five criteria believed to be a prerequisite for a high degree of presidential agency: (1) a favourable disposition to foreign affairs; (2) the ability to provide strong leadership in policy formulation; (3) a command over Pennsylvania Avenue politics; (4) the utilisation of the role of public opinion maker; (5) and the utilisation of the role of global statesmen. While Obama will be shown to do well against the framework, his lack of tangible accomplishments will be shown to stem from the magnitude of the challenges he faces; the larger foreign policy context in which he came to office; and the deep-seated distrust of the motives underlying US foreign policy in certain regions. Furthermore, the time constraints he faces, and the impact of the election cycle, will be identified as a limit to the pace of implementation and the extent of the changes he is able to make. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie tesis is om President Barack Obama se vlak van presidensiële agentskap in buitelandse beleid te meet om te bepaal of hy sy ambisieuse doelwit om die VSA se leierskap in buitelandse sake te hernu, sal bereik. ’n Tweevlakkige analise sal vir hierdie doel aangewend word. Die analise sal op ’n primêre vlak fokus op die president as ampsdraer, en die formele magte wat deur die grondwet aan hom toegeken word. Dit sal ook die beperkinge wat op die president geplaas word as gevolg van die magte wat aan die ander takke van die regering toegeken word, bestudeer. Verder sal die institusionele en maatskaplike konteks waarin die president moet fuksioneer in ag geneem word. Die tweede vlak van analise sal op die president as individu fokus, en die rol wat sekere informele magte en persoonlikheidseienskappe in presidensiële agentskap speel. Die sentrale hipotese van hierdie tesis, is dat alhoewel alle presidente deur dieselfde institusionele beperkinge geaffekteer word, ’n spesifieke president se vlak van agentskap afhang van sy gebruik van informele magte. Hierdie hipotese sal gemeet woord deur ’n vyfpuntraamwerk te ontwikkel wat gebruik maak van die bestaande literatuur op presidensiële agentskap. Dié raamwerk bestaan uit vyf kriteria wat benodig word om ’n hoë vlak van agentskap te handhaaf: (1) ’n positiewe gesindheid teenoor buitelandse sake; (2) die vermoë om sterk leierskap in die beleidsformuleringsproses uit te oefen; (3) meesterskap oor Pennsyvanie Avenue politiek; (4) die gebruik van die rol van openbare ’n opinie maker; (5) en die gebruik van die rol van ’n globale staatsman. Die tesis sal wys dat alhoewel Obama suksesvol is wanneer hy teen die raamwerk gemeet word, sy tekort aan prestasies toegeskryf kan word aan die omvang van die probleme wat hy moet oplos; die groter buitelandse konteks waarin hy verkies is; en die wantroue in die VSA se onderliggende motiewe in sekere streke. Verder sal die tydsbeperkinge op sy presidentskap en die impak van die verkiesingsiklus geïdentifiseer word as ’n bepreking op die spoed waarteen hy veranderinge kan implementeer.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The emergence and rapid growth of the private security industry in the 1990s followed from the downsizing of the armed forces in the aftermath of the Cold War and the development of new security threats which increased demand for military manpower and expertise. This has led to a redefinition of security strategies and the restructuring of armed forces by Western governments, which has resulted in the elimination of non-core activities from the functions of many armed forces. Recently it has been argued that the private security industry can challenge what previously was believed to be a primary responsibility of states, namely to take on peacebuilding initiatives and support to other peace operations. This study seeks to assess the impact of the private security industry in peacebuilding efforts in African conflicts. The study suggests that the private security industry have taken on a much stronger role in conflicts world wide since the 1990s, and that its activities have significantly changed. Companies such as MPRI and DynCorp have managed to keep close contact with their home governments, which arguably has been a crucial factor to their growing business. Furthermore, the private security industry have sought to distance itself from the negative connotations associated with mercenaries and the activities of companies such as Executive Outcomes in the 1990s, by avoiding operations involving elements of direct combat. This has been illustrated through the extensive case study of the activities of three private military and security companies: Executive Outcomes, MPRI and DynCorp. Furthermore, this thesis has confirmed an increased presence of the United States on the African continent post-9/11, illustrated by the presence of American-based private military and security companies which arguably are being used as proxies for US foreign policy purposes. Furthermore, this study has discussed the various implications the private security industry has on the traditional notion of the state’s monopoly on the legitimate use of force. This thesis has argued that the legitimate use to exercise violence is in the process of devolution from governments to other actors, which the extensive growth of the private security industry illustrates. Additionally, it has been argued that the privatisation of military and security services can harm the reliable delivery of essential services in conflict. Furthermore, the findings of this thesis has highlighted the dilemma that many countries do not want stricter regulation or elimination of the private security industry for the reason that these companies are viewed as valuable assets in fulfilling foreign policy objectives that for various reasons cannot be fulfilled by national armies. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die opkoms en vinnige groei van die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf in die 1990s was die gevolg van die afskaling van gewapende magte in die nasleep van die Koue Oorlog en die ontwikkeling van nuwe sekuriteitsbedreigings, wat die aanvraag na militêre arbeidskragte en kundigheid verhoog het. Dit het aanleiding gegee tot ’n herdefiniëring van sekuriteitstrategieë en die herstrukturering van gewapende magte deur Westerse regerings, met die gevolg dat niekernaktiwiteite van die funksies van talle gewapende magte uitgesluit is. Daar is onlangs aangevoer dat die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf aanspraak kan maak op ’n funksie wat voorheen as die primêre verantwoordelikheid van regerings beskou is, naamlik om vredesinisiatiewe en steun aan ander vredesverrigtinge te onderneem. Die doel van hierdie studie was om die impak van die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf in vredesinisiatiewe in Afrika-konflikte te assesseer. Daar word aan die hand gedoen dat die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf sedert die 1990’s ’n baie groter rol in wêreldwye konflikte gespeel het, en dat die aktiwiteite van hierdie bedryf aanmerklik verander het. Maatskappye soos MPRI en DynCorp was suksesvol daarin om nabye kontak met hul tuisregerings te behou, wat stellig ’n deurslaggewende faktor in hul groeiende besighede was. Voorts het die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf gepoog om hom te distansieer van die negatiewe konnotasies wat met huursoldate en die aktiwiteite van maatskappye soos Executive Outcomes in die 1990’s geassosieer is deur bedrywighede wat elemente van direkte stryd inhou, te vermy. Hierdie poging is geïllustreer deur die omvattende gevallestudie van die aktiwiteite van drie privaat militêre en sekuriteitsmaatskappye: EO, MPRI en DynCorp. Die bevindinge van die studie bevestig voorts die Verenigde State van Amerika (VSA) se toenemende teenwoordigheid op die Afrika-vasteland ná 9/11, wat duidelik blyk uit die teenwoordigheid van Amerikaansgebaseerde privaat militêre en sekuriteitsmaatskappye wat stellig as volmag gebruik word vir die VSA se buitelandsebeleidsdoelstellings. Die verskeie implikasies van die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf vir die tradisionele siening van die regerings se monopolie ten opsigte van die wettige gebruik van magte word ook in die studie bespreek. Daar word aangevoer dat die wettige gebruik van geweld in die proses van devolusie is vanaf regerings na ander rolspelers, wat deur die omvattende groei van die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf bevestig word. Daar word verder ook beweer dat die privatisering van militêre en sekuriteitsdienste die betroubare lewering van noodsaaklike dienste tydens konflik kan benadeel. Die studie se bevindinge werp ook lig op die dilemma dat talle lande strenger regulering of uitskakeling van die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf teëstaan omdat hierdie maatskappye beskou word as waardevolle bates in die bereiking van buitelandsebeleidsdoelwitte, wat vir verskeie redes nie deur nasionale leërs bereik kan word nie.