<p>2001 störtades ett antal flygplan in i World Trade Center och Pentagon i USA, detta genomfördes av organisationen al-Qaeda med Usama Bin Laden som ledare. Påföljden av detta blev att USA inledde sitt krig mot terrorismen. Skådeplatsen för detta blev Afghanistan som sedan tidigare har varit krigshärjat av Sovjet på 80-talet. 2003 vann DynCorp sitt första kontrakt kopplat till Afghan NationalPolice, detta innebar att de ansvarade för att utbilda poliser som skulle arbeta på lägre nivåer. Då Tyskland ansvarade för utbildning av poliser på nivåerna commissioned och non-commissioned. Frågeställningen som är kopplad till denna uppsats är huruvida DynCorps aktivitet haft någon påtaglig effekt på upprorsbekämpningen som bedrivs genom Operation Enduring Freedom? Författarens slutsatser pekar på ett antal faktorer som DynCorp kan ha haft viss medverkan i, och härleder dessa till teorin kring begreppet Counter Insurgency. Dock kan författaren inte utan tvekan påvisa att det finns direkta och tydliga kopplingar till DynCorp i de avseenden då Operation Enduring Freedom har blivit lidande av hur poliserna i Afghan National Police har agerat.</p> / <p>2001 the World Trade Centers were destroyed and Pentagon was damaged when a number of airplanes where deliberately crashed in to these buildings, this was carried out by the Al-Qaeda with Osama Bin Laden as their leader. The consequence of this was that the U.S. launched its war on terror. The already war torn country of Afghanistan became the target for the U.S. invasion. In 2003 DynCorp won its first contract linked to the Afghan National Police, this meant that they were responsible for training police officers who would work at lower levels. Since Germany was responsible for the training of police officers at the levels of Commissioned and Non-Commissioned. Questions which are linked to this essay are whether DynCorp’s activity had any effect on the insurgency fighting conducted throughout Operation Enduring Freedom? The author's findings point to a number of factors that DynCorp may have had some involvement, and derive them to the theory around the concept COIN. However, the author can not clearly demonstrate that there is direct and clear links to DynCorp, in the ways in which Operation Enduring Freedom has suffered from the actions taken from policemen in the Afghan National Police.</p>

2001 störtades ett antal flygplan in i World Trade Center och Pentagon i USA, detta genomfördes av organisationen al-Qaeda med Usama Bin Laden som ledare. Påföljden av detta blev att USA inledde sitt krig mot terrorismen. Skådeplatsen för detta blev Afghanistan som sedan tidigare har varit krigshärjat av Sovjet på 80-talet. 2003 vann DynCorp sitt första kontrakt kopplat till Afghan NationalPolice, detta innebar att de ansvarade för att utbilda poliser som skulle arbeta på lägre nivåer. Då Tyskland ansvarade för utbildning av poliser på nivåerna commissioned och non-commissioned. Frågeställningen som är kopplad till denna uppsats är huruvida DynCorps aktivitet haft någon påtaglig effekt på upprorsbekämpningen som bedrivs genom Operation Enduring Freedom? Författarens slutsatser pekar på ett antal faktorer som DynCorp kan ha haft viss medverkan i, och härleder dessa till teorin kring begreppet Counter Insurgency. Dock kan författaren inte utan tvekan påvisa att det finns direkta och tydliga kopplingar till DynCorp i de avseenden då Operation Enduring Freedom har blivit lidande av hur poliserna i Afghan National Police har agerat. / 2001 the World Trade Centers were destroyed and Pentagon was damaged when a number of airplanes where deliberately crashed in to these buildings, this was carried out by the Al-Qaeda with Osama Bin Laden as their leader. The consequence of this was that the U.S. launched its war on terror. The already war torn country of Afghanistan became the target for the U.S. invasion. In 2003 DynCorp won its first contract linked to the Afghan National Police, this meant that they were responsible for training police officers who would work at lower levels. Since Germany was responsible for the training of police officers at the levels of Commissioned and Non-Commissioned. Questions which are linked to this essay are whether DynCorp’s activity had any effect on the insurgency fighting conducted throughout Operation Enduring Freedom? The author's findings point to a number of factors that DynCorp may have had some involvement, and derive them to the theory around the concept COIN. However, the author can not clearly demonstrate that there is direct and clear links to DynCorp, in the ways in which Operation Enduring Freedom has suffered from the actions taken from policemen in the Afghan National Police.

Submitted by TOMAZ OLIVEIRA PAOLIELLO null (tomazop@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-03-24T22:18:49Z No. of bitstreams: 1 tomaz oliveira paoliello para std.pdf: 1538210 bytes, checksum: fc09f2df0f8f48bbd2daf0937fa8a04e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Juliano Benedito Ferreira (julianoferreira@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-03-28T14:24:59Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 paoliello_t_dr_mar.pdf: 1538210 bytes, checksum: fc09f2df0f8f48bbd2daf0937fa8a04e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-28T14:24:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 paoliello_t_dr_mar.pdf: 1538210 bytes, checksum: fc09f2df0f8f48bbd2daf0937fa8a04e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / As empresas militares e de segurança privada (PMSC) são um novo ator que tem despertado grande atenção nos debates dentro da disciplina Relações Internacionais. Através do estudo de uma companhia especificamente, a norteamericana DynCorp, procuramos investigar qual a natureza desse ator dentro do grande processo de globalização. A literatura sobre as PMSC geralmente apresenta a ideia de que o aparecimento de tais atores tenha ocorrido através de forças de oferta e demanda espontâneas e circunstanciais. A hipótese auxiliar dessa ideia, que os Estados estejam se afastando das novas guerras, é aqui desafiada e substituída por outra. O Estado, particularmente os EUA, se adaptou em sua capacidade de engajamento em conflitos através da contratação das PMSC, e estimulou o crescimento de um mercado de segurança privada. A empresa Dyncorp faz parte desse movimento. Investigaremos a relação de co-constituição, na qual empresas e Estado se articulam para desenvolver o novo “mercado da força”, e o nascimento das PMSC como atores de natureza híbrida, associados às transformações do Estado neoliberal. O estudo da DynCorp se desdobra em três dimensões: sua face empresarial, como companhia transnacional associada às lógicas de mercado; uma face combatente, um dos novos atores nos palcos de conflitos contemporâneos; e como parte constituinte de um aparato de política externa, associado a seu cliente único, o governo dos Estados Unidos. / Private military and security companies (PMSC) is a new actor that has attracted great attention in the debates within the International Relations discipline. Through the study of a particular north-american company, DynCorp, we seek to investigate the nature of these actors in the great process of globalization. The literature on PMSC usually presents the idea that the emergence of such players has occurred through spontaneous supply and demand forces. The hypothesis that assist this idea is that the states are moving away from the new wars. Here this hypothesis is challenged and replaced by another. The State, particularly the US, has adapted its engagement in capacity in conflicts by engaging the PMSC, and stimulating the growth of a private security market. DynCorp is part of this movement. We investigate the relationship of co-constitution, in which companies and state are organized to develop the new "market for force", and the birth of PMSC as actors of a hybrid nature, associated with the transformation of the neoliberal state. The study of DynCorp unfolds in three dimensions: its corporate face, as a transnational company associated with market principles; a fighting face, as one of the new actors on the stage of contemporary conflicts; and as a constituent part of a foreign policy apparatus, associated with their only customer, the United States government.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The emergence and rapid growth of the private security industry in the 1990s followed from the downsizing of the armed forces in the aftermath of the Cold War and the development of new security threats which increased demand for military manpower and expertise. This has led to a redefinition of security strategies and the restructuring of armed forces by Western governments, which has resulted in the elimination of non-core activities from the functions of many armed forces. Recently it has been argued that the private security industry can challenge what previously was believed to be a primary responsibility of states, namely to take on peacebuilding initiatives and support to other peace operations. This study seeks to assess the impact of the private security industry in peacebuilding efforts in African conflicts. The study suggests that the private security industry have taken on a much stronger role in conflicts world wide since the 1990s, and that its activities have significantly changed. Companies such as MPRI and DynCorp have managed to keep close contact with their home governments, which arguably has been a crucial factor to their growing business. Furthermore, the private security industry have sought to distance itself from the negative connotations associated with mercenaries and the activities of companies such as Executive Outcomes in the 1990s, by avoiding operations involving elements of direct combat. This has been illustrated through the extensive case study of the activities of three private military and security companies: Executive Outcomes, MPRI and DynCorp. Furthermore, this thesis has confirmed an increased presence of the United States on the African continent post-9/11, illustrated by the presence of American-based private military and security companies which arguably are being used as proxies for US foreign policy purposes. Furthermore, this study has discussed the various implications the private security industry has on the traditional notion of the state’s monopoly on the legitimate use of force. This thesis has argued that the legitimate use to exercise violence is in the process of devolution from governments to other actors, which the extensive growth of the private security industry illustrates. Additionally, it has been argued that the privatisation of military and security services can harm the reliable delivery of essential services in conflict. Furthermore, the findings of this thesis has highlighted the dilemma that many countries do not want stricter regulation or elimination of the private security industry for the reason that these companies are viewed as valuable assets in fulfilling foreign policy objectives that for various reasons cannot be fulfilled by national armies. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die opkoms en vinnige groei van die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf in die 1990s was die gevolg van die afskaling van gewapende magte in die nasleep van die Koue Oorlog en die ontwikkeling van nuwe sekuriteitsbedreigings, wat die aanvraag na militêre arbeidskragte en kundigheid verhoog het. Dit het aanleiding gegee tot ’n herdefiniëring van sekuriteitstrategieë en die herstrukturering van gewapende magte deur Westerse regerings, met die gevolg dat niekernaktiwiteite van die funksies van talle gewapende magte uitgesluit is. Daar is onlangs aangevoer dat die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf aanspraak kan maak op ’n funksie wat voorheen as die primêre verantwoordelikheid van regerings beskou is, naamlik om vredesinisiatiewe en steun aan ander vredesverrigtinge te onderneem. Die doel van hierdie studie was om die impak van die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf in vredesinisiatiewe in Afrika-konflikte te assesseer. Daar word aan die hand gedoen dat die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf sedert die 1990’s ’n baie groter rol in wêreldwye konflikte gespeel het, en dat die aktiwiteite van hierdie bedryf aanmerklik verander het. Maatskappye soos MPRI en DynCorp was suksesvol daarin om nabye kontak met hul tuisregerings te behou, wat stellig ’n deurslaggewende faktor in hul groeiende besighede was. Voorts het die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf gepoog om hom te distansieer van die negatiewe konnotasies wat met huursoldate en die aktiwiteite van maatskappye soos Executive Outcomes in die 1990’s geassosieer is deur bedrywighede wat elemente van direkte stryd inhou, te vermy. Hierdie poging is geïllustreer deur die omvattende gevallestudie van die aktiwiteite van drie privaat militêre en sekuriteitsmaatskappye: EO, MPRI en DynCorp. Die bevindinge van die studie bevestig voorts die Verenigde State van Amerika (VSA) se toenemende teenwoordigheid op die Afrika-vasteland ná 9/11, wat duidelik blyk uit die teenwoordigheid van Amerikaansgebaseerde privaat militêre en sekuriteitsmaatskappye wat stellig as volmag gebruik word vir die VSA se buitelandsebeleidsdoelstellings. Die verskeie implikasies van die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf vir die tradisionele siening van die regerings se monopolie ten opsigte van die wettige gebruik van magte word ook in die studie bespreek. Daar word aangevoer dat die wettige gebruik van geweld in die proses van devolusie is vanaf regerings na ander rolspelers, wat deur die omvattende groei van die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf bevestig word. Daar word verder ook beweer dat die privatisering van militêre en sekuriteitsdienste die betroubare lewering van noodsaaklike dienste tydens konflik kan benadeel. Die studie se bevindinge werp ook lig op die dilemma dat talle lande strenger regulering of uitskakeling van die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf teëstaan omdat hierdie maatskappye beskou word as waardevolle bates in die bereiking van buitelandsebeleidsdoelwitte, wat vir verskeie redes nie deur nasionale leërs bereik kan word nie.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:48:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tomaz Oliveira Paoliello.pdf: 1540683 bytes, checksum: 283bc319d3885231736edd7e0a174897 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Private military and security companies (PMSC) is a new actor that has attracted great attention in the debates within the International Relations discipline. Through the study of a particular north-american company, DynCorp, we seek to investigate the nature of these actors in the great process of globalization. The literature on PMSC usually presents the idea that the emergence of such players has occurred through spontaneous supply and demand forces. The hypothesis that assist this idea is that the states are moving away from the new wars. Here this hypothesis is challenged and replaced by another. The State, particularly the US, has adapted its engagement in capacity in conflicts by engaging the PMSC, and stimulating the growth of a private security market. DynCorp is part of this movement. We investigate the relationship of co-constitution, in which companies and state are organized to develop the new "market for force", and the birth of PMSC as actors of a hybrid nature, associated with the transformation of the neoliberal state. The study of DynCorp unfolds in three dimensions: its corporate face, as a transnational company associated with market principles; a fighting face, as one of the new actors on the stage of contemporary conflicts; and as a constituent part of a foreign policy apparatus, associated with their only customer, the United States government / As empresas militares e de segurança privada (PMSC) são um novo ator que tem despertado grande atenção nos debates dentro da disciplina Relações Internacionais. Através do estudo de uma companhia especificamente, a norteamericana DynCorp, procuramos investigar qual a natureza desse ator dentro do grande processo de globalização. A literatura sobre as PMSC geralmente apresenta a ideia de que o aparecimento de tais atores tenha ocorrido através de forças de oferta e demanda espontâneas e circunstanciais. A hipótese auxiliar dessa ideia, que os Estados estejam se afastando das novas guerras, é aqui desafiada e substituída por outra. O Estado, particularmente os EUA, se adaptou em sua capacidade de engajamento em conflitos através da contratação das PMSC, e estimulou o crescimento de um mercado de segurança privada. A empresa Dyncorp faz parte desse movimento. Investigaremos a relação de co-constituição, na qual empresas e Estado se articulam para desenvolver o novo mercado da força , e o nascimento das PMSC como atores de natureza híbrida, associados às transformações do Estado neoliberal. O estudo da DynCorp se desdobra em três dimensões: sua face empresarial, como companhia transnacional associada às lógicas de mercado; uma face combatente, um dos novos atores nos palcos de conflitos contemporâneos; e como parte constituinte de um aparato de política externa, associado a seu cliente único, o governo dos Estados Unidos