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The topic of my thesis are parliamentary systems. For this topic I have decided mainly on the grounds that the Czech Republic ranks among countries with a parliamentary form of government, like most of European countries. The work is divided into seven chapters, which are subsequently divided into different subsections or other parts. At the beginning of my work I have engaged in the general concept of political systems. The view of this chapter is mainly to introduce readers to the topic and to acquaint them with the basic types of democratic political systems, which includes particular the parliamentary, presidential and semi-presidential systems. The second chapter is engaged in parliamentary systems and their basic definitions. This chapter contains the theoretical foundation for the whole work and especially introduces readers with the basic principles upon which these systems work. Among these principles is included especially the principle separation of powers which is not too strictly interpreted, the sovereignty of Parliament and the specific relationships between the executive and legislature. In the third chapter I have dealt with the relationships between the supreme constitutional organs, as well as their position in the constitutional system. This issue is very important, just as relations...

The topic of my study is presidential system. I have chosen this topic because I am interested in situation of Latin America countries. These countries have decided to follow establishment of The United States. Many authors affirm that presidentialism is occasion of instability in these countries. The thesis is composed of ten chapters, which are divided into subsection or other parts. At the beginning I introduce political systems in our society. And I chose one of them, presidential system, to analyze in details. Chapter Two is about history of creation Constitution of The United States. This part of history is important because this Constitution is model for countries, which have decided for presidentialism. In this stage I explain the term presidential system and its particular signs. Without knowledge about it we don't understand how this system function. And we can't confront it with other political systems. Chapter Three describes presidentialism and its different forms. In my work I describe presidentialism in Latin America and in The United States. In Europe, there are many countries, which after year 1991 have decided for presidentionalism. But there always are relics of communism. There absent elements of democracy. In some of this countries govern strong presidents and we mark them like...

The diploma thesis is focused on social contract theories, as presented by the philosophers Thomas Hobbes, John Locke and Jean-Jacques Rousseau. My research is based on Leviathan by Thomas Hobbes, Second Treatise of Government by John Locke and Discourses and The Social Contract by Jean-Jacque Rousseau. In their respective theories, these authors present their opinions on how any state comes to life through entering into a social contract and how it should operate. The aim of my thesis is to look into their theories and using method of comparison to determine how they correspond with each other on the fundamental aspects of their ideas. These include the natural state, the act of entering into a social contract, the sovereign, sovereignty and the order of state establishment. The research suggests that although the authors agree on some points, in some cases they differ significantly. It also shows the significant influence of the environments and events experienced by the authors during their lives, on the formation of their thoughts and theories. At the very end of the thesis there is a reflection on the legitimacy of the Constitution of the Czech Republic and the contribution of the theories of appointed authors to today's society.

<p>The topic of this master thesis in legal science is state law and constitutional law, or more specific judicalization, with the division of power and thus increased individual legal rights in various forms. Sweden has traditionally had a weak constitutional protection for the individual’s legal rights. The public power has been concentrated to the government and the courts have only played a marginal role. Since the implementation of the European convention of legal rights and with the ever-increasing importance of the legal system of the European Union, the Swedish legal system gone through changes of historical dimensions.</p><p>This master thesis is based on the legal dogmatic method where laws, preparatory work, case law and doctrines have been systemized. The purpose of this thesis is to exemplify a global trend; the judicalization and its following consequence and implication on the national legal system. The aim is also to evaluate the constitutional protection in Sweden after the propositioned changes of Regeringsformen in a de lege ferenda-perspective.</p><p>The conservative sovereignty of the Swedish people has been challenged by, from national standpoints, xenogeneic thoughts concerning division of power and increased power for the courts, which in turn puts the traditional democratic principles on their edge. An expert commission, Grundlagsutredningen, was put together to review the Swedish constitution, Regeringsformen. The review has resulted in a proposition which questions some important constitutional matters. The expert commission has propositioned a stronger judicial preview through the Swedish legal Counsel Lagrådet, and also suggested a stronger judicial review by changing the possibilities of the courts to try laws against the constitution. These changes, together with the fact that the autonomy and the increased power of the courts are stressed in a new chapter in Regeringsformen, imply that the political power has to take a step back. The development, the judicalization, clearly accentuates the judicial power on behalf of the courts. This in turn increases the protection for the individual’s fundamental human and legal rights. These incentives are of course hard to ignore as the Swedish constitution for once is competing on an international level. The new changes are positive as a corrective against for instance the abuse of power, and only case law can provide us with outcome in a prospective perspective.</p> / <p>Ämnet för denna magisteruppsats i rättsvetenskap är statsrätt och konstitutionell rätt, eller mer specifikt judikalisering, och därmed maktdelning och ökat rättighetsskydd i olika former. Sverige har traditionellt sett haft ett förhållandevis svagt skydd för individuella fri- och rättigheter. Den offentliga makten har varit koncentrerad till regering och riksdag och domstolarna har endast spelat en marginell roll. Inkorporerandet av Europakonventionen för mänskliga rättigheter och EU-rättens allt större inflytande i svensk rätt har medfört att det svenska rättsystemet genomgått förändringar av historiska dimensioner. Den hävdvunna folksuveräniteten har ställts mot artfrämmande tankar på maktdelning och ökad domstolsmakt, vilket i sin tur ställer demokratiprinciperna på sin spets.</p><p>Föreliggande arbete bygger på rättsdogmatisk metod där olika rättskällor tolkats och systematiserats. De rättskällor som i första hand har använts är lagar, rättspraxis, förarbeten och juridisk doktrin. Uppsatsen syfte är att beskriva en global trend; judikaliseringen, om dess implikationer på rättsutvecklingen och det politiska livet. Intentionen är vidare att de lege ferenda värdera det svenska grundlagsskyddet efter de föreslagna ändringarna av regeringsformen som nyligen lagts fram i propositionen, [En reformerad grundlag].</p><p>Häri innefattas i synnerhet Grundlagsutredningens arbete med att skapa en samlad översyn av regeringsformen. Grundlagsutredningen har efter ett regeringsdirektiv från 2004 kommit med förslag till en reformerad grundlag. Förslagen tar bland annat sikte på laggranskningen och normprövningen som båda stärks väsentligt i förhållande till tidigare utgångspunkter. Lagrådets förhandsgranskning görs obligatorisk och det så kallade uppenbarhetsrekvisitet för lag- och normprövning slopas. Dessa ändringar tillsammans med det faktum att domstolsmakten stärks, genom att frigöras från förvaltningen, medför att den politiska makten inskränks till förmån för den judiciella. Utvecklingen, judikaliseringen, som tydligt markerar ökad domstolsmakt och skyddet för den enskilde individens fri- och rättigheter medför således svårignorerade incitament i form av ett stärkt konstitutionellt rättighetsskydd. De nya bestämmelserna i regeringsformen är adekvata och endast praxis kan visa om dessa är tillräckliga i ett nationellt, internationellt och i ett prospektivt perspektivt.</p>

The topic of this master thesis in legal science is state law and constitutional law, or more specific judicalization, with the division of power and thus increased individual legal rights in various forms. Sweden has traditionally had a weak constitutional protection for the individual’s legal rights. The public power has been concentrated to the government and the courts have only played a marginal role. Since the implementation of the European convention of legal rights and with the ever-increasing importance of the legal system of the European Union, the Swedish legal system gone through changes of historical dimensions. This master thesis is based on the legal dogmatic method where laws, preparatory work, case law and doctrines have been systemized. The purpose of this thesis is to exemplify a global trend; the judicalization and its following consequence and implication on the national legal system. The aim is also to evaluate the constitutional protection in Sweden after the propositioned changes of Regeringsformen in a de lege ferenda-perspective. The conservative sovereignty of the Swedish people has been challenged by, from national standpoints, xenogeneic thoughts concerning division of power and increased power for the courts, which in turn puts the traditional democratic principles on their edge. An expert commission, Grundlagsutredningen, was put together to review the Swedish constitution, Regeringsformen. The review has resulted in a proposition which questions some important constitutional matters. The expert commission has propositioned a stronger judicial preview through the Swedish legal Counsel Lagrådet, and also suggested a stronger judicial review by changing the possibilities of the courts to try laws against the constitution. These changes, together with the fact that the autonomy and the increased power of the courts are stressed in a new chapter in Regeringsformen, imply that the political power has to take a step back. The development, the judicalization, clearly accentuates the judicial power on behalf of the courts. This in turn increases the protection for the individual’s fundamental human and legal rights. These incentives are of course hard to ignore as the Swedish constitution for once is competing on an international level. The new changes are positive as a corrective against for instance the abuse of power, and only case law can provide us with outcome in a prospective perspective. / Ämnet för denna magisteruppsats i rättsvetenskap är statsrätt och konstitutionell rätt, eller mer specifikt judikalisering, och därmed maktdelning och ökat rättighetsskydd i olika former. Sverige har traditionellt sett haft ett förhållandevis svagt skydd för individuella fri- och rättigheter. Den offentliga makten har varit koncentrerad till regering och riksdag och domstolarna har endast spelat en marginell roll. Inkorporerandet av Europakonventionen för mänskliga rättigheter och EU-rättens allt större inflytande i svensk rätt har medfört att det svenska rättsystemet genomgått förändringar av historiska dimensioner. Den hävdvunna folksuveräniteten har ställts mot artfrämmande tankar på maktdelning och ökad domstolsmakt, vilket i sin tur ställer demokratiprinciperna på sin spets. Föreliggande arbete bygger på rättsdogmatisk metod där olika rättskällor tolkats och systematiserats. De rättskällor som i första hand har använts är lagar, rättspraxis, förarbeten och juridisk doktrin. Uppsatsen syfte är att beskriva en global trend; judikaliseringen, om dess implikationer på rättsutvecklingen och det politiska livet. Intentionen är vidare att de lege ferenda värdera det svenska grundlagsskyddet efter de föreslagna ändringarna av regeringsformen som nyligen lagts fram i propositionen, [En reformerad grundlag]. Häri innefattas i synnerhet Grundlagsutredningens arbete med att skapa en samlad översyn av regeringsformen. Grundlagsutredningen har efter ett regeringsdirektiv från 2004 kommit med förslag till en reformerad grundlag. Förslagen tar bland annat sikte på laggranskningen och normprövningen som båda stärks väsentligt i förhållande till tidigare utgångspunkter. Lagrådets förhandsgranskning görs obligatorisk och det så kallade uppenbarhetsrekvisitet för lag- och normprövning slopas. Dessa ändringar tillsammans med det faktum att domstolsmakten stärks, genom att frigöras från förvaltningen, medför att den politiska makten inskränks till förmån för den judiciella. Utvecklingen, judikaliseringen, som tydligt markerar ökad domstolsmakt och skyddet för den enskilde individens fri- och rättigheter medför således svårignorerade incitament i form av ett stärkt konstitutionellt rättighetsskydd. De nya bestämmelserna i regeringsformen är adekvata och endast praxis kan visa om dessa är tillräckliga i ett nationellt, internationellt och i ett prospektivt perspektivt.

This thesis is focused on the performance of judicial power in Czechoslovakia in the period of 1948 -- 1953, that is characterized by almost unlimited influence of the ruling party, the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, on the entire society. It was associated with a destruction of division of power in the state and with intentional limitations of the independence of judiciary. The aim of the work is to identify and analyse particular components of a specific mechanism that was introduced to enable to influence the judiciary decisions according to power and political interests of the Communist party of Czechoslovakia through administrative bodies, especially Ministry of Justice. For this purpose fundamental changes of the legislation, personnel and also organizational changes in the judiciary were carried out.

This work deals with the issue of supply restoring for heating plant Teplárny Brno, a. s. Špitálka division, after a system-wide failure of the “blackout”. The thesis solves the “black start” of the Špitálka Teplárny Brno operation by delivering a voltage from the hydroelectric power Vír I, proposes a methodology for commissioning of individual devices, up to phasing the generators with subsequent possibility of creating an “island mode” in the area of Brno city, which the work already does not deal with. The work also deals with the preparation of the operational test, while starts of the selected devices are tested. The schedule of commissioning of each device is supported by calculations of the parameters for the entire system with regard to voltage drops while connecting the high load. The result of this work is the proposal of methodological process of supply restoring for power plant Teplárny Brno – Špitálka division, by submission a voltage from the hydroelectric power Vír I, which can be used both in any system-wide failure of the “blackout”, or during the operational test.

O federalismo conhece, na experiência moderna, diversas formações e conformações, segundo a ideologia que o permeia e a necessidade histórica que o explica e que o implica. Embora não seja possível falar em um modelo puro ou autêntico de federalismo, há uma característica que lhe é essencial, cuja falta negaria sua própria razão de ser: a coexistência, sob o mesmo poder soberano, de duas ou mais sociedades políticas dotadas de estatalidade. A estatalidade é informada pela existência de um poder político de inaugurar determinada ordem jurídica. No Estado dito unitário, trata-se da soberania. No Estado dito federativo, a soberania convive com o poder político dos Estados federados - a autonomia federativa. Assim como a soberania, a autonomia federativa é um poder político constituinte, mas, ao contrário daquela, é também poder político constituído (competência), limitado pelo poder soberano. A autonomia federativa implica, ainda, a competência para constituir competências políticas e governamentais. Tais limites são postos pelo poder soberano na Constituição do Estado federativo, que define o grau de autonomia federativa. Esse poder tem sofrido oscilações ao longo das Constituições republicanas brasileiras, havendo, em todas elas, considerável disparidade entre a autonomia federativa formal (que o texto revela) e a autonomia federativa real (que se pratica), causada, sobretudo, pelo antagonismo dos interesses políticos e econômicos que determinam, em última instância, a descentralização político-governamental. A presente tese propõe a conceituação e a delimitação da autonomia federativa formal no Direito Constitucional brasileiro posto pela Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988 / Federalism has had, in the modern experience, different frames and meanings, according to the ideology embedded into it and the historical necessity that explains and implies it. Although it is not possible to advocate a pure or authentic model for federalism, there is an essential feature, whose absence would deny its own reason for being: the coexistence, under the same sovereign power, of two or more political societies with statehood. Statehood is constituted by a political power capable to create a particular legal order. In so-called unitary states, such political power is the sovereignty. In federal states, the sovereignty of nation-state coexists with the political power of federated states - the federative autonomy. Like sovereignty, federative autonomy is a constitutional-political power. However, in contrast to the former, federative autonomy is also constituted political power (competence), limited by the sovereign power. The federative autonomy also implies the competence to establish political and governmental powers. These limits are set by the sovereign power in the Constitution of the federal state, which defines the degree of federative autonomy. Such power has oscillated along the Brazilian republican constitutions. All of them revealed considerable disparity between the formal federative autonomy (which the legal text provides) and the real federative autonomy (which is practiced), which was caused, mainly, by the antagonism between political and economic interests. Such interests ultimately determine political and governmental decentralization. This dissertation advocates the conceptualization and delimitation of formal federative autonomy in the Brazilian Constitutional Law set forth by the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil.

O federalismo conhece, na experiência moderna, diversas formações e conformações, segundo a ideologia que o permeia e a necessidade histórica que o explica e que o implica. Embora não seja possível falar em um modelo puro ou autêntico de federalismo, há uma característica que lhe é essencial, cuja falta negaria sua própria razão de ser: a coexistência, sob o mesmo poder soberano, de duas ou mais sociedades políticas dotadas de estatalidade. A estatalidade é informada pela existência de um poder político de inaugurar determinada ordem jurídica. No Estado dito unitário, trata-se da soberania. No Estado dito federativo, a soberania convive com o poder político dos Estados federados - a autonomia federativa. Assim como a soberania, a autonomia federativa é um poder político constituinte, mas, ao contrário daquela, é também poder político constituído (competência), limitado pelo poder soberano. A autonomia federativa implica, ainda, a competência para constituir competências políticas e governamentais. Tais limites são postos pelo poder soberano na Constituição do Estado federativo, que define o grau de autonomia federativa. Esse poder tem sofrido oscilações ao longo das Constituições republicanas brasileiras, havendo, em todas elas, considerável disparidade entre a autonomia federativa formal (que o texto revela) e a autonomia federativa real (que se pratica), causada, sobretudo, pelo antagonismo dos interesses políticos e econômicos que determinam, em última instância, a descentralização político-governamental. A presente tese propõe a conceituação e a delimitação da autonomia federativa formal no Direito Constitucional brasileiro posto pela Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988 / Federalism has had, in the modern experience, different frames and meanings, according to the ideology embedded into it and the historical necessity that explains and implies it. Although it is not possible to advocate a pure or authentic model for federalism, there is an essential feature, whose absence would deny its own reason for being: the coexistence, under the same sovereign power, of two or more political societies with statehood. Statehood is constituted by a political power capable to create a particular legal order. In so-called unitary states, such political power is the sovereignty. In federal states, the sovereignty of nation-state coexists with the political power of federated states - the federative autonomy. Like sovereignty, federative autonomy is a constitutional-political power. However, in contrast to the former, federative autonomy is also constituted political power (competence), limited by the sovereign power. The federative autonomy also implies the competence to establish political and governmental powers. These limits are set by the sovereign power in the Constitution of the federal state, which defines the degree of federative autonomy. Such power has oscillated along the Brazilian republican constitutions. All of them revealed considerable disparity between the formal federative autonomy (which the legal text provides) and the real federative autonomy (which is practiced), which was caused, mainly, by the antagonism between political and economic interests. Such interests ultimately determine political and governmental decentralization. This dissertation advocates the conceptualization and delimitation of formal federative autonomy in the Brazilian Constitutional Law set forth by the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil.