The role of political discourse in the communication of security issues is fundamental to the Copenhagen School’s framework of securitization. In their work, Security: A New Framework for Analysis (1998), the Copenhagen School set out to challenge traditional International Relations theory by questioning the primacy of state-centric approaches that narrowly focus on military aspects of security. Whilst broadening the areas of security to include economic, societal, political and environmental threats, they also proposed that threats are articulated through the “speech acts” of mainly political elites. By signaling threats discursively via “securitizing moves”, political elites inform the audience of the existence of security threats. However, the Copenhagen School fails to address the political partiality of such pronouncements. The focus of this analysis is to examine the persuasive discursive practices employed by political elites to encourage audience consent with a specific focus on political elite portrayals of inward migration in relation to security. In their work, “Identity, Migration and the New Security Agenda in Europe” (1993), the Copenhagen School outlined a nexus between security and transnational migration within a Western context. Using content analysis and critical discourse analysis methods, this analysis will provide a comparative cross-national study of how migration is constituted as a security threat. By analysing political elite discourse as presented in speeches and as recontextualised in media portrayals in two major South East Asian receiving countries, Malaysia and Singapore, this thesis assesses the applicability of the Copenhagen School approach in alternative locations. Adopting a thematic approach, it examines how migrants are depicted via political discourse as threats to societal, economic and political security and how the feminization of migration in recent years has been depicted as a security challenge. A cross-national comparison of political discourse relating to the migrant/security nexus reveals not only how discursive formulations of security by political elites are constructed in order to legitimise policy and practices, but how similar issues may be addressed differently. Both Malaysia and Singapore have a long history of immigration, which is reflected in their diverse multi-ethnic, multi-racial and multi-cultural societies. Geographically co-located and with a shared historical legacy, both have become increasingly dependent on migrant labour to support economic growth and receive relatively large intakes of migrants from neighbouring countries. Yet, there are significant differences in how migrants are depicted in relation to security. Challenges are proposed to the framework that the Copenhagen School propounds. Moreover, I contend that the constructed nature of political discourse allows the potential for a more nuanced and normative discourse that could desecuritize migration and focus more positively on its benefits and upon alternative non-elite perspectives of security.

Doctor of Philosophy / Department of Sociology, Anthropology, and Social Work / Matthew R. Sanderson / This study investigates the role of second-generation Hmong in South Oroville in order to better understand broader questions of racial and ethnic integration among immigrants in rural areas of the U.S., the role of education in rural community viability, and the sustainability of rural communities with population growth derived mainly from immigration. I focus on two fundamental questions: Why are second-generation Hmong in South Oroville exceeding expectations for educational attainment, despite high levels of poverty and low levels of first generation educational attainment? How do second generation Hmong in South Oroville use their education? I draw on 16 qualitative interviews with second generation Hmong Americans in South Oroville to explore these questions. There are two key findings. First, the high college attainment rate was due to a high level of social integration with strong social ties within their networks, unique bridging through Upward Bound between the dominant society and the Hmong population, high parental expectations and high sibling expectations of educational attainment, and high amounts of financial support from grants and work study facilitated a 70% college attainment rate in 18-24 year olds in the population. Second, the Carr-Kefalas brain drain theory did not fully explain the post-education pathways for this population. An alternative theory of post-education pathways called the Hmong Typology explains post-education as dependent on gender expectations and sibling obligation.

M.Comm. / Sub-Saharan Africa is facing a health crisis. The prevalence of disease has intensified in recent decades. The debilitating effects of communicable and non-communicable diseases continue to abound. The disease burden, accompanied by increasing populations has further strained health care facilities. Notwithstanding the challenge of disease, the supply of health professionals remains low and it is worsened by their emigration to developed countries. The objective of this paper is to investigate the causes and effects of skilled health professionals’ migration from the South African public health sector to developed countries and to devise viable solutions. Main push factors influencing the medical brain drain include poor working conditions, inadequate remuneration, lack of funds for specialities and research, as well as the lack of equipment and supplies. These push factors are coupled by intensive recruitment campaigns, better prospects for career development and attractive salaries offered by developed countries. The most important cause of brain drain is the attractive remuneration offered by developed countries. This dissertation discusses ways of mitigating the health professionals’ migration including training, retention, return and circulation of skills or also known as brain circulation. It argues that the best strategy of dealing with brain drain is based on brain circulation because it yields mutual benefits for both sending and receiving countries. Measures that can facilitate brain circulation include intensifying international cooperation between sending and receiving countries, mobilising diaspora networks to contribute to the development of their home v countries and promoting the immigration of skilled professionals from countries that possess excess supply of medical professionals.

L’immigration est au centre d’enjeux sociaux, politiques, économiques, juridiques et psychologiques qui affectent les rapports de pouvoir au plan national et international. Notre thèse s’intéresse aux discrédits ressentis par les demandeurs d’asile colombiens entre 2003 et 2014 au Canada. À partir de sept entretiens semi-dirigés effectués à London, Sherbrooke et Drummondville, nous avons analysé les discrédits qui auraient pu être ressentis au cours du processus d’immigration, en nous fondant notamment sur le modèle dramaturgique de Goffman. Ce modèle nous a permis d’explorer le point de vue des demandeurs d’asile dans leurs interactions avec les agents d’immigration, et de contribuer ainsi à une réflexion plus globale sur les relations des acteurs en présence dans le processus d’immigration. Nous avons montré que les discrédits ressentis diffèrent selon les étapes du processus d’immigration, en distinguant trois moments clés, soient le départ de la Colombie, les démarches du processus et l’installation au Canada, étant donné les interactions différentes qu’occasionnent ces étapes avec des acteurs du système d’immigration et de la communauté. Nos résultats soulignent que les discrédits ressentis se vivent différemment selon que les demandeurs d’asile arrivent par un point d’entrée frontalier ou par l’ambassade canadienne en Colombie, notamment en raison des conditions liées à la cueillette des documents et au dévoilement de leur récit. Nous montrons également que le processus d’immigration et les discrédits ressentis ne s’arrêtent pas aux étapes formelles avec les agents d’immigration mais se prolongent durant la période d’installation que les demandeurs d’asile ressentent comme faisant partie du processus même d’immigration. Les discrédits alors ressentis dépendent des attentes des demandeurs face aux débouchés que peut leur offrir le Canada, et donc indirectement de l’âge des demandeurs qui doivent s’insérer dans la communauté à travers un emploi, l’école et l’acquisition d’une nouvelle langue. Le cadre dramaturgique permet de souligner que les craintes des demandeurs d’asile face à d’éventuels discrédits sont surtout liées à la capacité de convaincre les agents de la crédibilité de leur récit, dans un contexte où il leur appartient de faire entendre leur voix et de prouver leur identité de demandeurs d’asile.

ABSTRACT In South Africa there appears to be no published work on language policy in immigrant African families. This thesis, therefore, aims to understand the language policies and language practices of four immigrant families from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) living in South Africa (SA). These four families are presented as case studies and were chosen on the basis of their different ‘family language policies’: English-only, French-only, French-Tshiluba, Multilanguage. The study explores the underlying reasons for the choice of language/s in each family. The main research question is: What are the current language policies and practices of selected DRC immigrant families, and their implications for children’s schooling, for relations within the family and the DRC immigrant community, and for relations outside of these? This research is based on observations and recorded semi-structured interviews with the immigrant parents and children, principals, teachers, and the peers of two children from each family. A theoretical framework based on the work of Bernard Spolsky (2004) is used to understand and analyse the data in relation to: external forces such as power relations within and outside the family, the choice of language for the family, its regulation, and its identity effects. The analysis of data indicated four main findings. First, in all the research families, gender and patriarchy, together with ethnicity and external forces, play a crucial role in the choice of languages for a family’s chosen language policy. Second, the family language policy (FLP) emerges mainly as a consequence of anxiety regarding the marginalisation of immigrant families in their struggle to fit into the host society and to acquire material resources. Third, in three families whose policies restrict which languages may be used, other languages are spoken or heard in addition to the language(s) stated in the policy; only the Multilanguage family has a policy which allows members of the family to communicate in any language within the household. Fourth, this research confirms earlier research (Peirce 1995; Krashen 1982) on the importance of affective factors such as motivation, investment, self-confidence, and optimism, on the one hand, and fear or anxiety on the other, on learning the host society’s languages. In South Africa, ethnic enclosure and xenophobia prevent most immigrant family members (especially the mothers) from learning local African languages and English. Their exclusion (also self-imposed), together with unequal relations of power in South Africa, plays a crucial role in their interactions, thus limiting opportunities for learning local African languages. However, schooling enables immigrant children to integrate into the South African society. Regardless of the FLP, the immigrant children in the research families speak more English than the DRC languages which are showing signs of disappearing in their language repertoires. Based on these findings, my research contributes to a deeper understanding of the experience of immigration and sheds light on foreigner identities. As well, the present study is significant in that it contributes to the emerging scholarship on language policy in immigrant African families, given the dearth of information on language choice and use among immigrants in South Africa. This research also adds to the burgeoning literature on the relationship between language and ethnicity in the diaspora.

Background: Emigration of health-care workers is a problem within global health systems which affects many countries, including Peru. Several factors have caused health-care workers to emigrate, including burnout syndrome (BS). This study aims to identify the association between BS and its dimensions with the intention of physicians and nurses to emigrate from Peru in 2014. Methods: A cross-sectional study, based on a secondary analysis of the National Survey of Health Users (ENSUSALUD - 2014) was conducted. Sampling was probabilistic, considering the 24 departments of Peru. We include the questionnaire for physicians and nurses, accounting for 5062 workers. BS was measured by the Maslach Burnout Inventory-Human Services Survey. Adjusted odds ratio (OR) was calculated using multiple logistic regression. Results: Of the study population, 44.1% were physicians, 37.7% males, and 23.1% were working in Lima. It was found that 2.8% [95% confidence interval (CI): 2.19–3.45] of health-care workers had BS. The overall prevalence of intention to emigrate among health-care workers was 7.4% (95% CI: 6.36–8.40). Association was found between BS and intention to emigrate in Peruvian health-care workers (OR = 2.15; 95% CI: 1.05–4.40). Emotional exhaustion was the BS dimension most associated with intention to emigrate (OR = 1.80; 95% CI: 1.16–2.78). Conclusion: Physicians and nurses from Peru who suffered from BS were more likely to have intention to emigrate. Policies should be established to reduce BS as a strategy to control “brain drain” from health-care workers of Peru. / Revisión por pares

Thesis advisor: Fabio Schiantarelli / This thesis includes two essays that analyze growth implications of emigration and immigration. The first chapter studies the impact of emigrants with different education levels on their home countries' GDP per worker and its factors obtained by a production function decomposition. It uses migration data from 195 countries of origin to 30 major destination OECD countries in 1990 and 2000 and applies an instrumental variable approach to correct for endogeneity bias in estimating this impact. Pull factors of migration such as demand for emigrants' labor in destination countries and migrants' networks serve as a basis for instrument construction. Estimation results indicate that growth in emigration rates increases growth in GDP per worker in low and lower-middle income countries for all education groups of emigrants, primarily driven by improvements in total factor productivity (TFP). In contrast, there is no robust significant impact of emigration on other components of GDP. The second chapter studies the impact of immigrant labor on GDP per worker in the U.S. and its components obtained by a production function decomposition, including total factor productivity (TFP), the capital-output ratio, average hours worked, and skill intensity, defined as a productivity-weighted Constant Elasticity of Substitution (CES) function of high-skill and low-skill workers. It uses industry-level data over the period of 1960-2005 and applies two-step Difference Generalized Method of Moments (GMM) with instruments constructed using past distributions of immigrants across industries. The estimation results show that GDP per worker in an industry increases by about 2.24-2.63 percent in response to a one percent increase in the share of immigrants in total employment of the industry. These results are primarily driven by TFP growth with a magnitude of 2.08-2.21 and average hours worked: 0.23-0.29. However, these results are not robust to inclusion of the lagged dependent variables. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2014. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Economics.

Thesis advisor: James T. Bretzke / Thesis (STL) — Boston College, 2014. / Submitted to: Boston College. School of Theology and Ministry. / Discipline: Sacred Theology.

Thesis advisor: David Hollenbach / This dissertation starts by noting a tension in Catholic Social Teaching between the right of certain persons to immigrate, and the right of polities to control their borders, and seeks to find a way to resolve that tension. In a first moment, we ask whether the "right to immigrate" made sense only before the mass international migration movements starting around 1980, and before "globalisation", and whether polities today are morally justified in adopting increasingly harsh immigration restriction measures unilaterally. After rejecting this hypothesis by using an interdisciplinary analysis of the changes in the phenomenon of human mobility in recent decades, we propose another hypothesis to resolve the tension. We claim that the two rights are not "absolute" rights, and must be kept in tension. Which one of them trumps the other in concrete situations is determined partly by a set of (moral) priority rules, and partly through political discernment via fair democratic processes (which are always necessary so as to formulate concrete policies which require the consent of the governed). The rest of this dissertation provides a well-documented argument in favour of this second hypothesis, and in the process, we formulate a number of priority rules which help activists and policy makers, qua citizens and qua Christian disciples, adjudicate between rights claims based on the right to immigrate and the right to political sovereignty. The work also includes a systematic and historical presentation of Catholic Social Teaching on migration, a case study on immigration and emigration in Malta, a diachronic analysis of concepts related to human mobility in the Hebrew Bible, a philosophical reflection on Political Sovereignty in a "globalising" world, and a virtue ethics approach to the notions of solidarity, hospitality and kinship. / Thesis (STD) — Boston College, 2013. / Submitted to: Boston College. School of Theology and Ministry. / Discipline: Sacred Theology.

Thesis advisor: Danielle Hedegard / There are an estimated 150,000 Brazilians currently in the state of Massachusetts living, working, and living as immigrants in the “nation of immigrants” (McDonnell and de Lourenco, 2009; p. 241). The population often goes unnoticed, lost among a sea of immigrants in the landscape of Massachusetts. Occupying sub jobs, these Brazilian immigrants very often lose their status, and voices in the process of immigration to the United States. Over time, many Brazilians are able to achieve economical and occupational success in Massachusetts and decide to make the United States their home. Guided by the research questions: “How do Brazilian immigrants’ perceptions of the American Dream change with respect to reality and their lived experiences?” and “What are the lived experience of Brazilian immigrants?” I intend to understand this transition from temporary immigrant to permanent resident, and how the American Dream plays into these shifting expectations. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2012. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Sociology Honors Program. / Discipline: Sociology.