Within the body of scholarly interpretation of the British Civil Wars (1642-1651), there is an absence of research into the politicisation of rituals of power and the struggle between monarchy, parliament, and the army to command these symbolic forms of authority. My thesis examines the performances of rituals as the methodical enforcement of political authority during the First Civil War (1642-1646). In synthesising notions of court culture and performances of political discourse, it traces the constriction of royal ritual, parliamentary subversion of monarchical rituals, and the rise of politico-military ritual, culminating with Charles I’s surrender on 5 May 1646. Situated within existing interdisciplinary research that explores the communication and image of power, this thesis examines (1) the battle to control symbols of political power, (2) polemical interpretations of the conflicting use and ownership of these performatives, (3) the efficacy of these performative acts among a divided public. It highlights the ways in which such performances limited the public to the role of audience, despite the apparent inclusiveness of many ritualised events. This enables a close reading of ritual performances and the subsequent literature produced around the events. It also calls upon the close reading of literary and non-literary texts that can be described as ‘virtual performances’ of ritual, most notably Charles’ royal entry into London (1641), and the funeral of the third Earl of Essex (1646).

C'est en février 1663, que la Compagnie de la Nouvelle-France remis à LOUIS XIV le territoire de la Nouvelle-France. Elle donnait suite à sa demande de restitution exprimée par LOUIS XIV. Pour mémoire cette restitution mettait fin à la Charte de LOUIS XIII du 29 avril 1628. Par suite, c'est par une déclaration de mars 1663 que LOUIS XIV accepta de recevoir les droits de propriété, justice et seigneur de la Nouvelle-France. Sa volonté d'administrer directement le territoire et non par Charte est exprimée dans le corps de la déclaration. C'est dans cet esprit, qu'il transférera, en tant que de besoin au Canada, des institutions du Royaume, notamment celle de l'Intendant de Justice, Police et Finances. Cette orientation ne sera pas remise en cause par son successeur LOUIS XV ce, jusqu'en 1760. La présente thèse a pour finalité de décrire ou d'exposer, ce que fut la juridiction financière et économique de l'Intendant de 1663 à 1760 / It is in february 1663 that the Nouvelle-France company hands over to LOUIS XIV the Nouvelle-France territory. This followed-up the claim to secure the return of the territories expressed by LOUIS XIV. To remenber right, this retutn of the territories put an end to the charter of LOUIS XIII dated april 29th 1628. Consequently, it is by a statement of march 1663 that LOUIS XIV agreeds to acquire the freehold, justice and lord of Nouvelle-France. His intention to directly govern the territory is clearly indicated in the body of doctrines and not in the charter. It is in state of mind thathe will trandfer for the purpose in hands to Canada institutions of the kingdom, particulary those of justice, police and finance intendants. This way of thinking will not be called inio question by his heir to the throne LOUIS XV until 1760; This actual thesis purpose is to describe or expound what was the coming within the financial and economic jurisdiction of the intendant from 1663 to 1760

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2008-10-08Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:13:32Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 camelucci_al_me_fran.pdf: 809848 bytes, checksum: 6f66ea0b5a604fe03129dfc6816df2f9 (MD5) / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / O presente trabalho procura demonstrar as experiências de Repúblicas no município de Franca, entre os anos de 1880-1906. Nesse sentido as experiências de Repúblicas em Franca podem ser apreendidas a partir das especificidades da propaganda republicana no município. Isso ocorre a partir do ano de 1880, quando a propaganda republicana ganha força no município de Franca, concomitantemente com a fundação do Partido Republicano de Franca e da participação do município nos Congressos Republicanos. Apesar de Franca e freguesias apresentar um contingente republicano pouco numeroso – se comparado com outras cidades como Campinas, Amparo, Botucatu, Piracicaba, Rio Claro - é possível a identificação de experiências de Repúblicas implícitas nas relações – que muitas vezes estavam arraigadas em interesses políticos partidários – entre republicanos e os indivíduos que compunham as fileiras do partido Conservador e Liberal, indicando também o “terreno” político em que as idéias republicanas eram propagadas no município, bem como a adesão de parte da elite dirigente ao regime republicano no final dos anos 80. Diante disso, as experiências de Repúblicas no município de Franca estiveram presentes nos debates que envolveram a crise do Brasil- Império. Por intermédio do jornal O Nono Districto a elite dirigente e intelectual - a maneira dos grupos que compunham a geração 1870 - debateu os temas que evidenciavam esse momento de crise: federação, separação Igreja do Estado, instrução pública, abolição da escravidão, imigração. Ao debater essas questões, O Nono Districto também se preocupou em apontar soluções para a superação da crise. Além disso, O Nono Districto se atentou em questões de cunho mais pragmáticas que visavam o progresso do município, como a autonomia municipal defendida nas páginas do jornal. A analise que o jornal faz da... / In spite of their small number and customers in the city of Franca by the end of 19th century, the republicans were always very active concerning both their participation in the Francana political life and in the propaganda of their ideas. Therefore, they resort to the press. However, from 1887 on, with the intensification of the republican propaganda in the city of Franca, the political scene of apparent stability which involved both monarch parties taking turns in the local power was transformed. The consequences of these alterations were felt in the rearticulation of the political power around the Republic, when setting the groups which would walk in opposite sides in the local politics as a result of diverse interests. This paper aims at analyzing the republican idea in the city of Franca as well as what the influence of the republican propaganda was to the alternation of the local political scene in the last years of the Empire, which brought about series of political resistance in Franca in the first years of the Republic – the creation of the Catholic Party in 1890, the great division of the PRP in 1901 and the monarch rebellion in 1902 – which were only gotten around in 1906, with the political “reconciliation” carried out by PRP

Orientador: Denise Aparecida Soares de Moura / Banca: Lélio Luiz de Oliveira / Banca: Suely Robles Reis de Queiroz / Resumo: O presente trabalho procura demonstrar as experiências de Repúblicas no município de Franca, entre os anos de 1880-1906. Nesse sentido as experiências de Repúblicas em Franca podem ser apreendidas a partir das especificidades da propaganda republicana no município. Isso ocorre a partir do ano de 1880, quando a propaganda republicana ganha força no município de Franca, concomitantemente com a fundação do Partido Republicano de Franca e da participação do município nos Congressos Republicanos. Apesar de Franca e freguesias apresentar um contingente republicano pouco numeroso - se comparado com outras cidades como Campinas, Amparo, Botucatu, Piracicaba, Rio Claro - é possível a identificação de experiências de Repúblicas implícitas nas relações - que muitas vezes estavam arraigadas em interesses políticos partidários - entre republicanos e os indivíduos que compunham as fileiras do partido Conservador e Liberal, indicando também o "terreno" político em que as idéias republicanas eram propagadas no município, bem como a adesão de parte da elite dirigente ao regime republicano no final dos anos 80. Diante disso, as experiências de Repúblicas no município de Franca estiveram presentes nos debates que envolveram a crise do Brasil- Império. Por intermédio do jornal O Nono Districto a elite dirigente e intelectual - a maneira dos grupos que compunham a geração 1870 - debateu os temas que evidenciavam esse momento de crise: federação, separação Igreja do Estado, instrução pública, abolição da escravidão, imigração. Ao debater essas questões, O Nono Districto também se preocupou em apontar soluções para a superação da crise. Além disso, O Nono Districto se atentou em questões de cunho mais pragmáticas que visavam o progresso do município, como a autonomia municipal defendida nas páginas do jornal. A analise que o jornal faz da ... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: In spite of their small number and customers in the city of Franca by the end of 19th century, the republicans were always very active concerning both their participation in the Francana political life and in the propaganda of their ideas. Therefore, they resort to the press. However, from 1887 on, with the intensification of the republican propaganda in the city of Franca, the political scene of apparent stability which involved both monarch parties taking turns in the local power was transformed. The consequences of these alterations were felt in the rearticulation of the political power around the Republic, when setting the groups which would walk in opposite sides in the local politics as a result of diverse interests. This paper aims at analyzing the republican idea in the city of Franca as well as what the influence of the republican propaganda was to the alternation of the local political scene in the last years of the Empire, which brought about series of political resistance in Franca in the first years of the Republic - the creation of the Catholic Party in 1890, the great division of the PRP in 1901 and the monarch rebellion in 1902 - which were only gotten around in 1906, with the political "reconciliation" carried out by PRP / Mestre

MAIR / Department of Development Studies / The study investigates the issue of human rights on whether there can be a balance or relationship between monarchical rights and human rights in Southern Africa, paying particular attention to the small monarchical kingdom of Eswatini. The study seeks to examine how traditional monarchies in the 21st century treats the issue of human rights bearing in mind the fact that the current global system highly believes in upholding the fundamental freedoms and rights of the people. As a case study, this study seeks to examine the major reasons behind the Kingdom of Eswatini’s continued adherence to a monarchical system and also how the regional and international bodies like the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the United Nations (UN) are doing in terms of addressing the continued violation of human rights in the Kingdom of Eswatini. Qualitative research methodology will be employed to gather data. The research will contribute to the African studies discourse, especially on the nexus between monarchical rights and human rights. Volunteer sampling will be used to get participants for the study and would be drawn mainly from academics, local chiefs/political leaders and also some of the elderly citizens. / NRF

L’empereur japonais Naruhito est le descendant de la plus vieille lignée monarchique au monde. Encore aujourd’hui, la monarchie constitutionnelle japonaise est célébrée de manière à ce qu’on puisse y observer des rituels traditionnels vieux de 1300 ans. À travers les âges, la monarchie nippone aura grandement évolué en fonction des courants de pensée qui auront intégré les coutumes japonaises, mais l’essentiel des rituels tels qu’ils étaient pratiqués originellement est toujours observable de nos jours. Les plus importants rituels mis en œuvre par l’institution impériale sont au nombre de trois : le Senso, le Sokui rei et le Daijō-sai. Lors de ces trois rituels, on organise respectivement la nomination de l’empereur, son intronisation et sa communion avec Amaterasu-Ô-mikami, l’instance divine de la plus haute importance selon le shintoïsme, une religion japonaise ancestrale. Pendant ces rituels, trois trésors sacrés sont primordiaux puisqu’ils sont notamment consubstantiels à la position de l’empereur. En effet, selon la mythologie japonaise, ces trois objets sacrés, une épée, un miroir et un joyau, auraient été remis par Amaterasu-Ô-mikami à son descendant en des temps immémoriaux, au moment où celui-ci recevait l’ordre de régner sur terre comme empereur. Au moment de l’ordonnance, le miroir sacré, en tant que corps théophanique, aurait remplacé Amaterasu-Ô-mikami, corps par lequel seul l’empereur pourrait communier avec la déesse. L’empereur devra léguer les trois Trésors à son descendant afin que celui-ci puisse à son tour accéder au mandat céleste détenu par le miroir. Ainsi, depuis l’écriture de la mythologie en 712, l’institution impériale japonaise, les trois Trésors sacrés et Amaterasu-Ô-mikami sont indissociables. Les trois Trésors sacrés de la monarchie japonaise et l’histoire qui s’y rattache sont utilisés dans ce travail afin d’analyser une théorisation développée par Brian Schiffer et Lars Fogelin en 2015. Selon ces auteurs, les objets peuvent être perçus comme détenteurs d’agentivité par certaines personnes, du moment qu’on puisse démontrer que les objets sont passés par des rites de passage au long de leur histoire de vie. / Japanese Emperor Naruhito is the descendant of the oldest monarchical lineage in the world. Even today, the Japanese constitutional monarchy is celebrated in such a way that traditional rituals dating back 1,300 years ago can be observed. Through the ages, the Japanese monarchy has greatly evolved through different schools of thought that have integrated Japanese customs, but, essentially, rituals as they were practiced originally are still practiced today. Among the rituals of the imperial institution, three are crucial: the Senso, the Sokui rei and the Daijō-sai. These three rituals deal respectively with the nomination of the emperor, his enthronement and his communion with Amaterasu-Ô-mikami, the divine authority of the highest importance according to Shintoism, the ancestral Japanese religion. During these rituals, three sacred treasures are primordial since they are consubstantial to the position of the emperor. Indeed, according to Japanese mythology, these three sacred objects, a sword, a mirror and a jewel were given by Amaterasu-Ô-mikami to his grandchild during immemorial times when he received the order to reign over Japan as the emperor. At the time of the ordinance, the sacred mirror would have been a substitute for Amaterasu-Ô-mikami as the theophanic body through which the emperor alone could commune with the goddess. In time, the emperor is required to bequeath the three Treasures to his descendant so that he can in turn access the celestial mandate detained by the sacred mirror. Thus, since the writing of mythology in 712, the Japanese imperial institution, the three Sacred Treasures and Amaterasu-Ô-mikami are interrelated. The Three Sacred Treasures of the Japanese monarchy and the related history are analyzed through a theory developed by Brian Schiffer and Lars Fogelin in 2015. According to the authors, objects can be perceived as holders of agency as long as it can be demonstrated that they have gone through rites of passage throughout their life history.

Post-war sculpture created by members of the Royal Academy of Arts was seemingly marginalised by Keynesian state patronage which privileged a new generation of avant-garde sculptors. This thesis considers whether selected Academicians (Siegfried Charoux, Frank Dobson, Maurice Lambert, Alfred Machin, John Skeaping and Charles Wheeler) variously engaged with pedagogy, community, exhibition practice and sculpture for the state, to access ascendant state patronage. Chapter One, The Post-war Expansion of State Patronage , investigates the existing and shifting parameters of patronage of the visual arts and specifically analyses how this was manifest through innovative temporary sculpture exhibitions. Chapter Two, The Royal Academy Sculpture School , examines the reasons why the Academicians maintained a conventional fine arts programme of study, in contrast to that of industrial design imposed by Government upon state art institutions for reasons of economic contribution. This chapter also analyses the role of the art-Master including the influence of émigré teachers, prospects for women sculpture students and the post-war scarcity of resources which inspired the use of new materials and techniques. Chapter Three, The Royal Academy as Community , traces the socialisation of London-based art societies whose memberships helped to identify sculptors for potential election to the Royal Academy; it then considers the gifting of elected Academicians Diploma Works. The empirical mapping of sponsorship for elected sculptors is investigated to determine how the organic profile of the Royal Academy s membership began to accommodate more modern sculptors and identifies a petition for change which may have influenced Munnings s speech (1949). Chapter Four, The Royal Academy Summer Exhibitions , explores the preparatory rituals of the Selection and Hanging Committees, processes for the selection of amateurs works, exhibit genres and critical reception. Moreover it contrasts the Summer Exhibitions with the Arts Council s Sculpture in the Home exhibition series to identify potential duplications. Chapter Five, Sculpture for the State , considers three diverse conduits facilitating the acquisition of sculpture for the state: The Chantrey Collection administered by the Royal Academy and exhibited at the Tate Gallery; the commissioning of Charles Wheeler s Earth and Water (1951 1953) for the new Ministry of Defence, London; and the selection of Siegfried Charoux s The Neighbours (1959) for London County Council s Patronage of the Arts Scheme . For these sculptures, complex expressions of Britishness are considered. In summary this thesis argues that unfettered by their allegiance to the Royal Academy of Arts its sculptors sought ways in which they might participate in the unprecedented opportunities that an expanded model of state patronage presented.

Although the natural philosophy of Margaret Cavendish is eclectic and uncustomary, it offers an important critique of contemporary scientific methods, especially mechanism and experimentalism. As presented in Observations upon Experimental Philosophy and Blazing World, Cavendish's natural philosophy incorporates rationalistic and subjective elements, urging contemporary natural philosophers to recognize that pure objectivity is unattainable through any method of inquiry and that reason is essential in making sense and use of scientific observation. In addition to its scientific implications, Cavendish's three-tiered model of matter presents interesting sociopolitical associations. Through her own use of metaphor and her theoretical fusion of matter and motion, Cavendish confronts the masculinist metaphors and implications of mechanism. Through the dramatization of her model of matter in the narrative Blazing World, Cavendish exposes the theoretical failings of contemporary methods and legitimizes her alternative to pure experimentalism. By envisioning a new planet to place the utopia of Blazing World, Cavendish actively uses the rational functions of the mind, showing that reason and rational matter are above all else in natural philosophy. Although Cavendish's scientific theory in some ways promotes the participation of women in natural philosophy, it becomes complicated as she simultaneously reinforces her social biases and urges a traditional class system with a monarchical government. Cavendish actively separates the gender constraints in philosophical inquiry from the social limitations placed on the lower classes to promote herself and other aristocratic women in the pursuit of natural philosophy, urging that the rational realm, where all sexes are equal, should govern scientific investigation.