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This thesis examines the relationship between methods of privatization of State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs), organizational change and performance.  It explores the organizational “black box” between privatization and performance to look at the way privatization affects firm performance through the internal changes within organizations in a developing country (Egypt) context. This thesis develops an integrated theoretical model and examines the impact of privatization methods on a subset of the organizational variables in the Model of Organizational Performance and Change (Burke and Litwin, 1992), namely: management practices, organizational climate, and organizational performance, which are believed to affect the way privatization impacts upon either positively, or negatively, the internal environment of the firm. The theoretical model was validated in a single cross-sectional empirical study of 199 participants. Of the 15 hypotheses in this study, 12 were supported and 3 were not. There were statistical differences among the post-privatization performance of former SOEs according to their method of privatization.  The thesis adds knowledge about the reasons why privatization can produce mixed outcomes and how post-privatization performance is complex and depends on factors outside and inside organizations.  It is reasonable to suggest that privatization success of failure is a function of the method of privatization used, the degree of concentration of ownership, the degree of restructuring, and the deregulation and liberalization of the economic environment. Results add further evidence to support the view that the benefits of privatization are not merely a consequence of transferring ownership of SOEs to private parties.  Privatization is most effective when followed by a major internal transformation. The simplest and most effective way to facilitate post-privatization organizational changes is to replace the top management team. This tends to create new management practices that the SOEs did not have.

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In an attempt to present some unpublished historical sources of Ottoman Egypt in the seventeenth century) the discussion has been arranged in two major parts. The first part gives some historical background as well as introducing the manuscripts that are to be examined. The introduction discusses various aspects related to Ottoman Egypt such as the historical background before the seventeenth century) the work of some Arabic and Turkish chroniclers on the subject and a historical overview of the period covered by the two anonymous chronicles) entitled Zubda ikhtisar tarikh Misr al-Mahrusa and the Paris Fragment. The first chapter concentrates on a description of the manuscripts. It includes the general condition and contents of the manuscripts. Although the manuscripts do not present a comprehensive picture of events in seventeenth century Egypt) they are valuable) especially in view of the dearth of other contemporary documents. The second chapter summarises the information contained in the two manuscripts. The second part of the thesis consists of the critical edition of the two manuscripts. Some notes are provided at the bottom of the text to demonstrate some linguistic characteristics of the Arabic usage of that particular period.

Background: This study examines the socioeconomic and biodemographic determinants of infant, neonatal and post neonatal mortality in Egypt. It also tries to reach better understanding on the relative importance of these factors. Methods: Population-based cross-sectional secondary data analysis of the 2005 Egypt Demographic and Health Survey (EDHS). Cox’s proportional hazard models have been fitted to select the significant determinants of infant and post neonatal mortality, while logistic regression models were adopted for the neonatal period. Results: 13,851 live births were analyzed with 463 deaths before the first birthday; the total follow up time is 144,835 babymonths, giving an IMR of 32 per 10,000 baby-months. After adjusting for all socioeconomic and biodemographic factors, the analyses reveal strong association between infant mortality and biodemographic factors, while the only significant socioeconomic determinant is the mother’s education. Also it has been shown that mother’s education, child’s sex and place of delivery are time dependent covariates. Analyses of neonatal period indicate no association with any socioeconomic factor, while child’s sex and place of delivery are significant predictors. Exclusion of neonatal deaths shows that the risk of post neonatal mortality is inversely related to mother’s education, and not determined by sex of the child nor place of delivery. The risk of infant, neonatal and post neonatal death is consistently related to birth interval and birth size. Conclusions: Biodemographic characteristics represent the most substantial impacts on infant mortality. The only significant socioeconomic predictor (maternal education) has a modest impact, at best, on infant mortality, which appears at later stages of infancy period (namely post neonatal period); since the later proved to be a time varying covariate. Unlike neonatal period, analysis indicates lack of association between post neonatal mortality and child’s sex contradicting the biological knowledge, and supporting the hypothesis of gender discrimination and male sex preference.

La civilisation égyptienne « pharaonique » et la culture grecque « politique », séparées par la mer, la langue, l’écriture et les traditions, passent souvent pour irréductibles l’une à l’autre. Qui plus est, la disparition, vers l’an 1000, des « civilisations du bronze » (Nouvel Empire, palais Mycéniens) et l’entrée dans l’obscurité d’une période de transition (« Troisième Période Intermédiaire » en Egypte, « âges obscurs » en Grèce) avaient fait rompre les amarres entre les deux rives de la Méditerranée. Un texte d’Hérodote attribue la reprise du contact entre les deux mondes à des mercenaires Ioniens et Cariens qui aidèrent Psammétique I à conquérir le pouvoir pharaonique, à partir de 664 av. J.-C. Quant à l’archéologie grecque d'Égypte, elle insiste sur la date de 625 environ comme terminus post quem, c’est-à-dire l’année à partir de laquelle la présence grecque en Égypte est bien documentée. Cette reconstitution des faits, qui doit tout à Hérodote et à une archéologie extrêmement parcellaire, laisse complètement dans le noir les siècles précédents, en particulier le VIIIème dit « géométrique », qui est pourtant l’âge homérique, et le VIIème dit « orientalisant », qui voit les Grecs multiplier leurs contacts avec les civilisations de Méditerranée orientale. Or, tant les poèmes homériques (essentiellement l’Odyssée) que la découverte d’objets égyptiens ou égyptisants en Crète et ailleurs en Égée posent le problème de l’existence possible de contacts entre l'Égypte et le monde Égéen avant le milieu du VIIème siècle. Ces contacts furent-ils directs ou indirects (intermédiaire phénicien) ? Pacifiques ou conflictuels (piraterie) ? Se firent-ils par l’ouest (doriens) ou par l’est (ioniens) ? Comment sont nées les conceptions grecques de l'Égyptien et du Noir, « les plus justes et les plus pieux des hommes » ? Autant de questions dont le réexamen devra être mené dans un questionnement incluant l’histoire ancienne, l’archéologie et l’histoire des régulations sociales. / In Homers‟ Odyssey, a poem usually dated circa 700 BC, the famous and shrewd Odysseus, when he finally comes back home incognito, pretends to be a Cretan sailor just arrived from Egypt. His lie is so convincing that everybody at Ithaka believes it. This dissertation is, in a sense, intended to show that, if the Homeric poems are of course fictional creations, they express, in this specific case, some historical reality. In other words, we see here something that we can interpret as representative of a socio-cultural fact, namely the existence of nautical ties connecting the Aegean world to Egypt duringthe “Geometric” (IXth-VIIIth c.BC) and early “Orientalizing” (beginning VIIth c. BC) Periods. These connections have so far been ignored or underestimated even in recent scholarly tradition. This scientific bias rests on some preconceived ideas, namely : the trust unduly given to the Herodotean narrative according to which there were no Greeks in Egypt before Psammetichus I (664 BC) and the belief in the so-called “Phoenician middleman” as an exclusive intermediary. On the contrary, recent researches on the Mediterranean world in the “longue durée” point to new appreciation of Greek presence on every coast of the Eastern Mediterranean in the first half of the first Millennium BC.Greek presence on the Nile Delta shore, which is not archeologically visible because of geological subsidence, can be, if not altogether proven, at least clearly suggested by the huge amount of so-called Aegyptiaca found in many sites of the Aegean world. Relying on the invaluable catalogue created by N. Skon-Jedele, supplemented by new discoveries, we conclude that these artefacts, some of which are earlier than previously thought, are too numerous to be understood without the mediation of, among others, Greek traders attracted by their effectiveness, and notably by the protection they were thought to afford to the family circle.