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This study focuses on the economic and political transformation of the Egyptian state after it applied neoliberal structural adjustment policies in May 1991, as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank had required in return for foreign debt restructuring. It demonstrates how the Egyptian state was transformed from the etatist system that had characterized it since the 1952 revolution. Using the etatist system as a basic concept for understanding the Egyptian state since 1952 aids comparison among the historical periods that followed, in that the two distinguishing components of this system are a domestically-oriented development strategy and social welfare programs. The key hypothesis guiding this study is that the application of structural adjustment programs has been a factor powerfully transforming the etatist systems of the Nasser and Sadat periods. The study shows how this particular post-etatist" state has withdrawn considerably from such social welfare policies as subsidizing food and other basic goods, and providing health and other social services. Similarly, continuing a trend that began with the infitah (partial economic liberalization) policies of the Sadat period, the Egyptian state has abandoned its active role in economic development, leaving it to the domestic private sector and to foreign investors. The present research shows how this state has withdrawn to a great degree from ownership of business enterprises, and has substantially reduced regulation of private enterprises." / Ph. D.

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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Some academics are of the generalist opinion that ancient Egyptian beer was only consumed by the lower classes because of its low social status. This is based on the generalization that individuals only consume alcoholic beverages matching the status of their social class. Therefore the lower classes consumed beer while the upper classes consumed an alcoholic beverage of higher status, i.e. wine. However, other academics are of the universalist opinion that Egyptian beer was universally consumed by all Egyptian social classes irrespective of the status of beer. This study aims to test the validity of these opposing academic opinions and also strives to understand how statements of status in Egyptian society were devised, and what they were conveying. This was achieved by determining the status of Egyptian beer and wine and then comparing them to the respective status of beer and wine drinkers in the New Kingdom period (c. 1550-1069) according to the factors of production, consumption, health, economic exchange & distribution, and religion. Use is made of an anthropological approach which allows the researcher to limit social bias and understand ancient Egyptian society on its own terms. Results of this study indicate that Egyptian beer had a much lower status than Egyptian wine and all social classes consumed beer while only the upper classes consumed wine. The generalist opinion, therefore, is falsified and the universalist opinion validated. The results also indicate that the upper classes justified their beer consumption by producing, consuming and exchanging an elite beer of higher status in a manner reminiscent of wine so that it compared more favourably with the status of their social classes. This study, therefore, not only settles an old academic dispute but also provides new insight into Egyptian beer. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sommige akademici huldig die algemene siening dat antieke Egyptiese bier uitsluitlik deur die laer klasse gebruik is, omdat bier ‘n laer status geniet het. Dit is gegrond op die veralgemening dat individue slegs alkoholiese drank gebruik het wat ooreenstem met hul eie sosiale klas. Die laer klasse het dus bier gedrink terwyl die hoër klasse alkoholiese drank van ‘n hoër status, naamlik wyn, gedrink het. Ander akademici is egter van mening dat Egiptiese bier deur alle Egiptiese sosiale klasse gebruik is, ongeag die status van bier. Hierdie studie poog om die geldigheid van hierdie teenstrydige akademiese menings te toets en poog ook om te verstaan hoe stellings oor status in die Egiptiese samelewing bedink is en wat hulle wou oordra. Dit is bereik deur die status van Egiptiese bier en wyn te bepaal en dit dan te vergelyk met die besondere status van bier en wyndrinkers in die Nuwe Koningkryk tydperk (c. 1550-1069) volgens die faktore van produksie, verbruik, gesondheid, ekonomiese uitruiling & verspreiding en godsdiens. ‘n Antropologiese benadering is gevolg omdat dit die navorser in staat stel om sosiale partydigheid te beperk en sodoende die Egiptiese samelewing in eie reg te kan verstaan. Resultate van hierdie studie dui aan dat alhoewel Egiptiese bier ‘n veel laer status as Egiptiese wyn geniet het, het alle sosiale klasse nietemin bier gedrink, terwyl net die hoër klasse wyn gedrink het. Die algemene mening is gefalsifiseer, terwyl die universele mening gestaaf word. Die resultate dui ook aan dat die hoër sosiale klasse hul bierverbruik geregverdig het deur ‘n elite bier van hoër status te produseer, uit te ruil en te gebruik op ‘n wyse soortgelyk aan diè van hul wynverbruik, sodat dit gunstig vergelyk met die status van hul sosiale klasse. Hierdie studie los dus nie net ‘n ou akademiese meningsverskil op nie, maar gee ook ‘n nuwe insig in Egiptiese bier en die gebruik daarvan deur die hoër klasse.

In 2008, the Committee for the Protection of Journalists reports, Internet journalists comprised the worldwide plurality of imprisoned media workers for the first time. Why are Internet journalists subject to higher levels of repression than journalists working other medium? My arguments build on literature concerning institutional mechanisms of control in authoritarian regimes, violent conflict and social movement repression. In this report I examine Egypt from 2004 through 2008, a period of high political activism and a corresponding rise in state repressive action. Five years of English-language wire service news reports indicate that a greater percentage of bloggers in Egypt were victims of state repression than print journalists over this period. This pattern can be explained in party by corporatism in the print media sector and journalists’ involvement with opposition movements. Finally, it appears that the state is using the judicial system as a mechanism of punishment; adding to the growing body of literature detailing the judicialization of politics in Egypt. / text

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