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This paper analyzes racist discourse resulting from and related to California's Proposition 187. Contrary to the views of politicians and economists, I maintain that 187 is indeed a racist measure designed to prevent the entry of people of color, mostly Latinos, into California. Analyses of racist discourse should be contextualized within issues of power, cultural difference, space, culture, and nationalism. After outlining theories of racism, I use Teun van Dijk's work on racist discourse to analyze some of the discursive strategies employed in relation to Proposition 187. The next section discusses the discourse of resistance in Tucson, Arizona and California. Some attention is given to the symbolic violence against Latinos. I argue that discourse cannot be separated from the material world in which it is practiced.

In 1972, town-based farmworkers in the agricultural region of Pinal County, Arizona were surveyed. Random samples of Anglo, Black, Mexican American, and Native American male family heads provided data to study the correlates of their occupational prestige. The work of Harland Padfield and William Martin offered a measure of prestige, along with a functional set of predictors, while conflict-competition theory furnished an alternate set and its corresponding hypotheses. Ethnicity was studied for interaction with the 21 independent variables, and the ranking of the ethnic groups relative to one another was scrutinized. Since analysis of covariance revealed significant interaction by four of the predictors (with the slope for Blacks contrasting most markedly with the Anglo reference category), further analysis, by multiple regression, was made within the ethnic divisions. In the case of Anglos, the significant correlates of prestige were optimism about workers' being able to improve their job situation, and a desire for training, although age, in the negative, controlled the latter. With Blacks, an equation which included age, time spent in the county, residence in Eloy, and membership in associations explained 53% of the variation in prestige. The Mexican American study yielded only a working family pattern as a correlate. Native Americans showed the influence of education on their job prestige (when age was not controlled), and of residential mobility, lack of house ownership, and unwillingness to move. A study of cases from each ethnic group, with insight from experience, suggested several conclusions beyond the data themselves. Caution in measuring attitudes of Native Americans was indicated. There also emerged implications for future policy and research.

This study examines the reactions of the Serrano from Capulalpam in the Northern Sierra of Oaxaca, Mexico to the pressures of global capitalism. This is examined through the community responses to mining exploitation, which began in mid 19th century and which during the early years of the 21st century became linked to a concept of global business.Historical memory of indigenismo and mestizaje of the 20th century plays a major role in the configuration of collective identities in Capulalpam, which the community has used to claim full ownership of gold and silver. This mobilization of lived experiences of the past is examined through the role of the elders, former indigenous miners, and indigenous authorities who are the intermediaries between the community and the state. They have mobilized major local spaces of collective representation such as the agrarian and municipal jurisdictions, as well as the communal assembly, to challenge the federal government's granting of mining concessions to multinational corporations. Members of the community adjust discourses about community to novel circumstances.Consequences of mining on Capulalpam's key resources for survival such as depletion of aquifers, pollution of water and communal lands, as well as the extraction of gold and silver, are assessed through the language of collective possession of resources. Former indigenous miners have used the landscape to attach memories to reconstruct and assess changes in the environment occurred over time due to mining. Documentation of communal land possession forged through time, memories of elders about mining and experiences of community cargo carried out across generations are connected to international and national law for Capulalpam to claim its indigenous rights and its inclusion into the politics of allocation of subsoil resources.In claiming a historical possession of gold and silver, Capulalpam has undermined major ideologies shaped by cultural anthropology depicting indigenous culture as part of indigenous traditions untouched by time and history. Thus, this study contributes to the discussion of the politics of culture and power in which ethnicity, gender, nationalism and law are interlocked and formed.

"Cine en Emergencia: National Identity in Post-dictatorial Audiovisual Production in Paraguay," is an academic study of narrative and documentary film from Paraguay. Cinematic production in Paraguay has "boomed" only with the last decade in part due to the censorship of the long-standing Stroessner regime and in part because new digital technologies have made audiovisual production more accessible. This study explores the dominance of a particular essentialized national identity in narrative and documentary film in Paraguay. This iconic protagonist and space (the campesino in the rural setting) is not the site of true Paraguayan authenticity, but rather, the product of competing national and transnational forces. Inside Paraguay, rural icons become the grounds from which to express political resistance and frustration with the status quo. Outside of Paraguay--particularly in the European power center of film festivals, funding and awards--a homogeneous and uncontested set of representations of national identity becomes the paradigm that satisfies the "first world" need to essentialize and orientalize the "third world." In the introduction I make my methodology clear, stressing that I am focusing my critical apparatus on circulating discourses regarding what it means to be a citizen of that Paraguay. I also grapple with the difficulty of dealing with a film archive that is classified as national while trying to dislodge the national frame as the paradigm for analysis and provide a problematization of the relationship between film and nation that has been so widely and uncritically accepted. In Chapter 1 I provide a historical contextualization for the relationship between film and the nation and provide important details in regards to the history of the moving image in Paraguay. In Chapter 2 I explore Hamaca Paraguaya's (2006) potential for resistance through formal subversion, historical revisionism, self-reflexivity and political denunciation. Using a double-register, in Chapter 3 I describe the transnational power structure as a palimpsest against which Paraguayan film is necessarily constructed and how this bleeds through into Hamaca as a cultural product. In Chapter 4 I analyze Frankfurt (2006) as a documentary that creates parallels between Paraguay's historical border wars and present-day global neoliberal capitalism.

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