The growing awareness of functional linkages between rural and urban territories has led to a re-thinking of the rural-urban dichotomy. This was flanked by a more general reconceptualization of space, directly coming from the rise of spatial planning and the shifting process from government to governance. Thus, the concept of “soft space” came to the fore, defined as the space of governance and integrated approach. The EU Commission has launched a new instrument aimed at fostering the territorial approach of the new Cohesion Policy, namely the Integrated Territorial Investment (ITI). This research wants to investigate the added value of the ITI instrument in governing and institutionalizing the rural-urban linkages at the metropolitan level. In doing so, the author has created a conceptual framework based on three main concepts directly coming from the concept of soft space, namely institutionalization, governance capacity, and integrated approach. The empirical study is focused on Poland, in particular, dealing with the case of Warsaw, Krakow, and Wroclaw. As a result, this research argues that the ITI in Poland has represented an attempt to improve the cooperation between capital cities and their surrounding areas, even though its outcomes can be questionable.

This study investigates whether there is a link between the successful implementation of European cohesion policy and the voters' attitudes towards the EU. Using the French presidential elections in 2017 as a case study, we do not solely consider regional funds expenditures but also its induced effects in a region as further potential determinant of pro-European or eurosceptic voting behavior. In order to measure the effectiveness of EU structural funds and Cohesion Fund assignment, firm-level employment effects in French NUTS-2 regions stemming from project allocation during the multi-annual financial framework 2007-2013 are estimated. The obtained average treatment effects are, in a next step, used together with other regional characteristics to capture the citizens' perceived exposure to the EU in an empirical voting model for the French presidential election in 2017. The estimation results reveal a significant negative relationship between the effectiveness of EU funds allocation and the vote share of the eurosceptic candidate Marine Le Pen. / Series: Department of Economics Working Paper Series

The thesis introduces European regional policy which provides the framework for policy of economic, social and territorial cohesion. It characterizes its objectives and financial instruments. The second part of the thesis is focused on Visegrad group in the central European region. The most important chapter deals with drawing money from structural funds and its allocation in the regions in each V4 country. The countries are also compared according to selected criteria. Final part of the thesis presents the future of the EU cohesion policy.

The aim of this study is to determine regional income level and disparities in CEECs and Turkey in a comparison of new 26 NUTS-II regions for Turkey with 49 NUTS-II regions of CEECs in the period of 1995 and 2001 by using the indicator of GDP per capita in terms of purchasing power standard. In this study, furthermore, those questions have been discussed: whether the EU is a chance for reducing regional inequalities and growth of the regional wealth in Turkey, and whether Turkey is another thread for the EU regional policy in the future on the enlargement process for the EU. In this study, it is also examined regional income level and disparities in the EU-15, the EU-25, the EU-27, and the EU-28 in case accession of Turkey to the Union. The analyses are carried out for 207 NUTS-II regions of the EU-15, for the EU-25 (248 NUTS-II), for the EU-27 (262 NUTS-II) and for the EU-28 (288 NUTS-II) in terms of the latest available data of GDP per capita in PPS for 2001. The regional income disparities are discussed by using the most well known measures of regional inequality / i.e., Maximum to Minimum Ratio (MMR), Coefficient of Variation (CV), Relative Mean Deviation (Rw) and Theil Index (T). In case accession of Turkey to the EU, her NUTS-II regions would take an advantage of benefit assistance of the EU regional policy instruments along with the CEECs&rsquo / whereas, the seven NUTS-II regions of current three member states would continue to benefit of this assistance, i.e. 3 NUTS-II regions of Greece, 3 for Portugal and only one NUTS-II region for Spain. In the accession-period of Turkey, which will start accession-negotiations with the EU on 3 October 2005, she should adjust her regional policy and regional development projects in light with the EU regional policy and its financial instruments in order to utilize that advantage.

The diploma thesis deals with the new form of the upcoming programming period of the EU cohesion policy which will cover the time interval of 2014-2020. The first part of the thesis focuses on the concept of regional policy as a general theoretical background then it shifts to a description of the EU Common regional policy and its functioning. The next part deals with the evaluation of the economic impacts of the realization of this policy on the EU member states. Consequently, the last two parts clarify the new form of the EU cohesion policy 2014-2020 programming period, firstly from the EU point of view, secondly also from the perspective of the Czech Republic as one of the member states. In the Conclusion the thesis evaluates all possible impacts of the proposed legislative changes for the next programming period.

Cette recherche étudie la mise en œuvre de la politique de cohésion communautaire en Région Sicile en analysant particulièrement son volet culturel. En adoptant une approche à l’échelle microscopique basée sur de nombreux entretiens, nous mettons à jour un cadre d’intervention inopérant. Caractérisée par son extrême complexité, la politique de cohésion, élaborée dans le cadre d’une gouvernance multiniveaux, s’articule difficilement avec la politique de développement des régions et pays concernés. Sa mise à l’épreuve du terrain révèle des failles remettant lourdement en cause son efficacité. La culture y est reconnue pour sa contribution au développement du tourisme fondé sur la valorisation du patrimoine, envisagé comme l’une des principales ressources locales. Pourtant, l’évolution divergente du référentiel culturel à Bruxelles, en Italie et en Sicile a précarisé sa place et reflète une vision réductrice qui s’intéresse uniquement à son impact économique. Par ailleurs, cette politique promeut le principe du partenariat, qui suppose l’implication de l’ensemble des parties prenantes d’un territoire. En Sicile, la Région se réserve pourtant la grande majorité des financements disponibles, forte de son pouvoir et de sa compétence culturelle, au détriment d’un secteur culturel faiblement structuré qui reste globalement exclu. Enfin, la politique de cohésion apparaît comme un révélateur des crises politiques sicilienne et européenne : certains acteurs institutionnels insulaires privilégient volontairement l’inertie, tandis que le manque de réaction des institutions communautaires pourrait traduire l’absence de volonté de promouvoir une réelle cohésion européenne. / This research explores the implementation of the communitarian Cohesion policy in the Sicily Region, focusing on its cultural component. An approach at the microscopic scale based on numerous interviews discloses an ineffective operating framework. The extreme complexity of the Cohesion policy, which is the produce of a multilevel governance system, presents difficulties when it comes to its articulation with the national or regional Development policies. Its implementation at the grass root level shows flaws that heavily hinder its effectiveness. Culture is acknowledged for its contribution to the development of a heritage-based tourism, which is considered to be a major local asset. And yet, the increasingly divergent interpretation of the cultural referential in Brussels, Italy or Sicily has weakened its role, reflecting a simplistic vision focussing only on its economic impact. In addition, Cohesion policy promotes the principle of partnership, implying the involvement of all the stakeholders in a region. However, in Sicily the powerful regional government is still by far the main beneficiary of these structural funds at the expense of the cultural field, which is poorly organised and remains largely excluded. Finally, the Cohesion policy reveals a political crisis at the European and Sicilian levels: some institutional players on the island opt for inertia, while the lack of response from the communitarian institutions could reflect the unwillingness to promote true European cohesion

Then the process of Enlargement has started, it was expected that Accession of much more agrarian and less developed countries from Eastern and Central Europe, compared to the Member States at that time, should encourage the radical reforms of the EU redistributive policies – Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and Cohesion Policy. Some researchers provided with numbers proving that Enlargement without reforming the EU redistributive policies would substantially increase the funding for implementation of these policies. While the other group of scientists noticed that the Enlargement process is getting momentum, whereas the internal EU reforms are postponing. The decision on the CAP reform was taken in 2003 by the Agricultural Council, while the Cohesion Policy reform was agreed in the Brussels European Council of 2005. In the Commission’s reform proposals as well as during Member States’ negotiations much attention was paid, especially in the case of the Cohesion Policy reform, to the challenges of Enlargement. In this paper the aforementioned last reforms of the EU redistributive policies are analysed: the CAP reform of 2002–2003 and the Cohesion Policy reform of 2004–2006 aiming to evaluate the impact of Enlargement on the Commission’s reform proposals and the reform results. It is argued that the factor of Enlargement, although in the Commission’s reform proposals was emphasised as encouraging to reform the CAP and the Cohesion Policy radically, in reality for the EU... [to full text] / Prasidėjus ES plėtros procesui buvo pradėta kalbėti apie tai, kad kur kas labiau agrarinių ir silpniau išsivysčiusių, palyginus su tuometinėmis ES valstybėmis narėmis, Rytų ir Vidurio Europos valstybių prisijungimas paskatins ES perskirstomųjų politikų – Bendrosios žemės ūkio politikos (BŽŪP) ir Sanglaudos politikos – radikalias reformas. Tyrinėtojai pateikinėjo skaičius, įrodančius, kad plėtra, ES perskirstomųjų politikų nereformavus, stipriai padidins ir taip dideles šių politikų įgyvendinimui skiriamas lėšas. Tuo tarpu kiti tyrinėtojai atkreipė dėmesį į pagreitį įgaunantį plėtros procesą bei vis atidedamas vidines ES reformas. Dėl BŽŪP reformos buvo sutarta 2003 m. Žemės ūkio ministrų taryboje, o dėl Sanglaudos politikos reformos – 2005 m. Briuselio Europos Viršūnių Taryboje. Europos Komisijos pasiūlymuose ir valstybių narių derybų dėl reformų eigoje daug dėmesio, ypač Sanglaudos politikos reformos atveju, buvo skiriama ES plėtros iššūkių akcentavimui. Šiame darbe išsamiai nagrinėjamos dvi minėtos paskutinės ES perskirstomųjų politikų reformos: 2002–2003 m. BŽŪP reforma ir 2004–2006 m. Sanglaudos politikos reforma, siekiant įvertinti, kokį iš tikrųjų poveikį Europos Komisijos pateiktiems reformų pasiūlymams ir reformų rezultatams turėjo ES plėtra. Darbe įrodinėjama, kad ES plėtros veiksnys, nors Europos Komisijos pasiūlymuose buvo akcentuojamas kaip skatinantis iš esmės reformuoti BŽŪP ir Sanglaudos politiką, iš tikrųjų minėtoms ES perskirstomųjų politikų reformoms... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

Prasidėjus ES plėtros procesui buvo pradėta kalbėti apie tai, kad kur kas labiau agrarinių ir silpniau išsivysčiusių, palyginus su tuometinėmis ES valstybėmis narėmis, Rytų ir Vidurio Europos valstybių prisijungimas paskatins ES perskirstomųjų politikų – Bendrosios žemės ūkio politikos (BŽŪP) ir Sanglaudos politikos – radikalias reformas. Tyrinėtojai pateikinėjo skaičius, įrodančius, kad plėtra, ES perskirstomųjų politikų nereformavus, stipriai padidins ir taip dideles šių politikų įgyvendinimui skiriamas lėšas. Tuo tarpu kiti tyrinėtojai atkreipė dėmesį į pagreitį įgaunantį plėtros procesą bei vis atidedamas vidines ES reformas. Dėl BŽŪP reformos buvo sutarta 2003 m. Žemės ūkio ministrų taryboje, o dėl Sanglaudos politikos reformos – 2005 m. Briuselio Europos Viršūnių Taryboje. Europos Komisijos pasiūlymuose ir valstybių narių derybų dėl reformų eigoje daug dėmesio, ypač Sanglaudos politikos reformos atveju, buvo skiriama ES plėtros iššūkių akcentavimui. Šiame darbe išsamiai nagrinėjamos dvi minėtos paskutinės ES perskirstomųjų politikų reformos: 2002–2003 m. BŽŪP reforma ir 2004–2006 m. Sanglaudos politikos reforma, siekiant įvertinti, kokį iš tikrųjų poveikį Europos Komisijos pateiktiems reformų pasiūlymams ir reformų rezultatams turėjo ES plėtra. Darbe įrodinėjama, kad ES plėtros veiksnys, nors Europos Komisijos pasiūlymuose buvo akcentuojamas kaip skatinantis iš esmės reformuoti BŽŪP ir Sanglaudos politiką, iš tikrųjų minėtoms ES perskirstomųjų politikų reformoms... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Then the process of Enlargement has started, it was expected that Accession of much more agrarian and less developed countries from Eastern and Central Europe, compared to the Member States at that time, should encourage the radical reforms of the EU redistributive policies – Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and Cohesion Policy. Some researchers provided with numbers proving that Enlargement without reforming the EU redistributive policies would substantially increase the funding for implementation of these policies. While the other group of scientists noticed that the Enlargement process is getting momentum, whereas the internal EU reforms are postponing. The decision on the CAP reform was taken in 2003 by the Agricultural Council, while the Cohesion Policy reform was agreed in the Brussels European Council of 2005. In the Commission’s reform proposals as well as during Member States’ negotiations much attention was paid, especially in the case of the Cohesion Policy reform, to the challenges of Enlargement. In this paper the aforementioned last reforms of the EU redistributive policies are analysed: the CAP reform of 2002–2003 and the Cohesion Policy reform of 2004–2006 aiming to evaluate the impact of Enlargement on the Commission’s reform proposals and the reform results. It is argued that the factor of Enlargement, although in the Commission’s reform proposals was emphasised as encouraging to reform the CAP and the Cohesion Policy radically, in reality for the EU... [to full text]

The aim of this thesis was to present an overview of the Regional policy of the European Union and of the effects of this policy in relation to selected the town. The main aim was to evaluate the finances resources of the EU funds gained by the town of Písek in the period 2007-2013. Reaching the target was preceded by a theoretical basis, which explains basic terms related to cohesion policy and describes of effects of this policy in connection to the development of regions EU. On the main aim were followed sub-goals, who were achieved accross of the selected methods and procedures in a particular parts of thesis. The main goal and sub-goals were fulfilled. Sub-goals were to describe and analyze implemented projects to town of Písek, to analyze the use of finances from the funds of EU and to assess whether the projects were implemented in accordance with the aims of strategic plan of development town Písek. The last sub-goal of the formulation own proposals for the future of town of Písek were presented at the end of thesis.

The thesis deals with the differentiation between countries and regions in the EU and a parallel adjustment of the regional and cohesion policy. The first part provides the presentation of economic and social differentiation in EU Member States and discusses regional development issues from a theoretical point of view. The second part shows various regional differences between regions in the given time periods after the enlargements of integration. The final chapter focuses on the current financial framework 2007-2013 and the current state of the EU Cohesion Policy. The aim is to answer the question whether EU regional policy through its specific strategy managed to solve and reduce the territorial differentiation between the Member States and their regions. The thesis also focuses on the Cohesion policy approach to the spatial disparities and change in the setting of regional and cohesion policy.