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The notion of democratic deficit has been at the centre of many debates on theEuropean Union for the last 30 years. The reason is, to a certain degree, linked to the lack oflegitimacy of the European Commission, which is not elected and remote from the Europeancitizens. However, the Commission seems to have found a positive way to increase itslegitimacy by the inclusion of civil-society in the decision-making process. The interactionbetween the Commission and two Environmental NGOs will therefore be analysed in order tomake a constructive contribution to the debate. The present paper does not limit itself tonormative statements on reality and considers that there is more to socio-political relationsthan “true” verifiable facts. Therefore, it is not limited to the formal decision-making process,and goes deeper into the socialisation process at play between the different actors. Theoutcome is that the Environmental NGOs studied appears as valuable models for theimplementation of new democratic channels for the representation and participation ofEuropean citizens.

The issue of the image of African countries in European media is an age-long one which has resurfaced in recent times. Eyebrows have been raised over the image of African countries in Europe and other Western Media which is always touted to be negative.The question about how the EU is reported in the African media has however been relegated to the background. This study therefore used content analysis to unearth how the EU and its member countries are reported in the African Media particularly in the Daily Graphic, a leading Daily Newspaper in Ghana in two separate years of 1998 and 2008 and whether what is reported reflects colonial ties between EU member countries and their former colonies in Africa. The study which used both quantitative and qualitative methods of research also sought to investigate the power relations between African media and their European counterpart, the sources of the stories were examined to find out whether they are stories written by European media or in-depth analysis of issues written by Ghanaian or African reporters. Special emphasis was placed on issues around trade and aid between Africa and the European Union which comes across as the key issues. The years 1998 and 2008 were selected because it has a ten year interval in which one can assess whether coverage of EU related issues in the paper has improved over the last ten years especially as the EU has grown in membership and scope, deepening its process of integration and acquiring new responsibilities in the world.Findings of the study indicated a strong tie between some EU member countries and their former colonies, (i.e United Kingdom and Ghana).The study also found out that The Daily Graphic simply borrows stories from EU sources and reproduce them with very little or no analysis, comments, or criticisms, of the issues raised that may have implications for the country or Africa’s growth in terms of aid and trade issues. This is a pointer to the fact that European media has been setting the agenda and the Daily Graphic simply follows.The study further revealed the unequal power relations between the EU and for that matter Africa which also reflects in media relations whereby as a result of poor salaries, logistical support and appropriate technology, newspapers in Africa, such as the Daily Graphic are unable to send reporters to the EU headquarters in Brussels to report issues from the African point of view and as such reproduce what has already been reported in the European media by European reporters and sent down through wire services.Again from the study, it is evident that the Daily Graphic does not report regularly on issues on EU- Africa trade and aid. In 1998, aid related issues involving the EU and Africa were only six percent while that of 2008 was 11 percent. Trade related issues involving the EU and Africa recorded nine percent in both years. Also reporters lack of interest in analysis of the issues in feature articles was reflected in 97 percent of news stories in 1998 as against three percent of feature articles in the same year while 2008 recorded a woefully two percent of feature articles as against a whopping 98 percent of news stories.One of the issues that emerged as a surprise was the fact that contrary to expectations, EU related stories not connected to Africa received more coverage than what connects Africa to Europe. This may be an indication that African media gate-keepers are not selecting stories based on the interest of the country or continent but rather still serving their colonial masters under a new colonial empire facilitated by the EU. Theories underpinning colonialism such as Edward Said’s Orientalism, modernization, media and society theories have helped to discuss some of the issues under focus.

<p>Placed within the context of the dynamic relationship that exists between state-level actors, supranational institutions, and individual citizens in Europe, this analysis endeavours to examine some of the main issues surrounding European integration theory, the institutionalisation of the European Union, and the so-called 'democratic deficit'. While recognising that much of the debate surrounding multilevel governance in Europe has traditionally focused upon the effects convergence has and will continue to have on predominantly state-level variables, it is my contention that centralised political institutions in European are bound to endure perpetual mismanagement and a lack of majority individual support should the integration process continue down the path of political integration and 'polity'-building without first resolving inherent legitimacy problems. Furthermore, without entrenching the necessary foundations of legitimate governance within the integration process, political allegiance to the European Union will never be able to achieve the same level of tacit support amongst individuals as primary allegiance to the nation-state. The analysis thus focuses on how European integration and 'supranationalism' has affected the relationship that exists between individual citizens and decision-makers at the 'European' level, vis-a-vis democracy, accountability, transparency and accessibility. An assumption is first made that legitimacy' in governance flows from the existence of strong democratic linkages between individual citizens and their decision-makers (vis-a-vis output, input and social legitimacy). Building heavily upon the work of Held, Schmitter and Dahl, the thesis compares the institutional structure of the EU to a model of 'legitimate' democratic governance. It also raised questions concerning the transferability, to the supranational level, of state-centred theories of democracy and representation, and challenges several approaches to understanding the place of 'identity' and Putnam's 'social capital' and 'trust' in polity-building. To accomplish this task, a normative and functional evaluation is conducted on the 'nature' of the European Union and its institutions (intergovernmentalism vs. supranationalism). Milward's definition of 'allegiance' is also particularly helpful in describing the multi-layered characteristic of individual identification towards different levels of national and supranational governance, especially in a European context. </p> <p>Following the theoretical portion of the analysis, a closer examination is made of the institutions of the European Union and their respective levels of transparency and accountability. As a case study, the Report of the Committee of Independent Experts to the European Parliament (March 1999) is used to show how ineffective some of the institutions, namely the European Commission, have been at resolving perceived accountability problems. The thesis suggests how core institutions may be reformed, as well as alternatives to the current structure of the Union's activities. The analysis then concludes by focusing on how legitimate structures of governance have been jeopardised in Europe, and how the integration process has, and continues to, place the advantages accrued through economic harmonisation and policy convergence ahead of the need for political stability and the entrenchment of strong, democratic institutions at the supranational level.</p> / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

The European migration context has changed drastically in recent years because of the eastward enlargements of the European Union (EU) in 2004 and 2007. Almost all citizens of the 28 EU member states now have the right to live and work in any of the other EU countries. The demise of borders and removal of formal labor market access restrictions within the EU has spurred substantial east to west migration. This dissertation explored how recent and more established Polish migrants experience and navigate the labor market in Berlin, Germany, given these recent regulatory changes. The study focused in particular on the role of Polish migrants' social ties as well as regulatory and institutional factors. The research involved six months of fieldwork in Berlin that resulted in 44 in-depth interviews with Polish migrants and key informants. The interviews not only gave insights into how Polish migrants integrate into Berlin's labor market but also shed light on the reasons for their migration and various other aspects of their lives. The most striking finding of the study is that Poles have not formed a cohesive community in the city and commonly experience co-ethnic social ties as a "social tax", rather than sources of social capital. The study suggests that a number of national policies as well as Berlin's geographic proximity help explain the absence of a unified and supportive Polish community in the city. Another key finding of the study is that Polish migrants are commonly channeled into irregular, precarious and even exploitive work arrangements in Berlin, especially in the domestic service, hospitality and construction sector. They continue to face a range of informal barriers that push many of them into the margins of Berlin's labor market, despite the abolishment of formal labor market access restrictions. / Geography

This study makes a contribution to the distinction between Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft models of society at the regional level by investigating the understanding of the Romanian governmental elites with respect to the EU and the EU's Second Pillar. The findings of the study suggest that the conscious recognition of common culture and common values help distinguish between system and society at the regional level because they imply adherence to a common political identity. It is widely agreed in the ES that an international system develops an international society and when states engage in mutual recognition of "sovereign equality" an international society exists. The case of Romania shows that the EU is a pluralistic international society divided in decision-making between the core and the periphery in which political criteria serves for mutual recognition. Political criteria defined by the application of the rule of law and anti-corruption measures as well as by the common understanding of Western democratic culture and Western political values seem to hinder Romania from acquiring a distinctive voice in EU decision-making. Political instability continues to be a perennial concern for Romania despite EU membership. This study highlights that political instability results from an inadequate understanding of EU common political values underpinning the principles of western style democracy. The findings also indicate that before 2007 Romanians described the connection with the EU in sentimental, common historical ties in contrast to after 2007, when Romania's Accession Treaty and the Treaty of Lisbon were increasingly invoked in context of equal recognition status hence highlighting contractual ties with the EU. The study is framed by the international society and uses an interpretive methodology associated with international society to highlight that at the regional level culture and values give meaning to society and help the common understanding of members of international society to pursue common interests. Adherence to common EU political culture and values are imperative for political stability in Romania and for harmonizing Romanian elites' mentalities in political and security practices with those of other EU members. A useful recommendation emerging from the findings is that international society should be examined further in context of power and prudence in order to understand how the existence of common interests, rules, norms, and values of the Union members influence the distinction between the international system and international society. / Ph. D.

No / Purpose This paper explores the relationships between the strategic development of subsidiaries and the likelihood of subsidiaries exporting on an intra-regional basis to European markets. Research Approach The paper defines the strategic development of subsidiaries as increases in, autonomy, embeddedness in host locations, the use of networks and host country sourcing. The location of subsidiaries in industrial clusters is also considered. Use is made of multinomial probit analysis of a survey of 391 UK based subsidiaries to identify the relationships between the strategic development of subsidiaries and supplying European markets. Findings The study finds some evidence that there are links between increasing networks and supplying European markets, but there is no evidence that developing host country sourcing is associated with European supply. Location in an industrial cluster is consistently associated with supplying European markets and autonomy also appears to be closely associated with supplying European markets. Research Limitations Extension of the research is required to other regional trade blocs such as Mercosur and NAFTA. The role of networks and the links to location in industrial clusters requires further exploration and future research needs to include the services and knowledge-intensive sectors. Value The paper extends our understanding of subsidiary development in the context of intra-regional trading and thereby expands the literature on the regional strategy of multinationals. It highlights the importance of different types of autonomy for encouraging intra-regional trade by foreign-owned subsidiaries, and the central role of location in industrial clusters.