Several recent works have emphasised contemporary hierarchical trends within international society. These trends have been most readily demonstrated by the willingness of dominant states, such as the United States, to conduct interventions in support of the promotion of liberal values and political institutions. Yet while many scholars have identified new relations of hierarchy within international society, few have explored what they suggest regarding international society’s normative constitution or what factors have given rise to these new hierarchies. The end of colonialism in the 1960’s resulted in a fundamental reconstitution of international society. The result of decolonisation was that pluralism, the notion that all states have the equal freedom to constitute their internal socio-political and economic institutions as they see fit, was entrenched as the central constitutive principle of the post-colonial international society. Contemporary hierarchical trends suggest a transition away from this pluralist constitution, with resultant changes in the processes of inclusion and exclusion and modes of interaction between different members of international society. This thesis aims to explore these processes of reconstitution within international society in the post-Cold War era and explain why Western societies have felt compelled to intervene in particular territories in order to promote liberal values. Utilising sociological theories of risk, particularly the work of Ulrich Beck, this thesis suggests that a new ‘liberal social logic of risk’ underpins the emergence of new forms of hierarchy and contemporary constitutional transition within international society. New forms of temporally and spatially de-bounded security risks (such as terrorism), and Western attempts at managing these risks through intervention and the imposition of liberal values in so-called ‘risky zones’, has altered the constitution of international society in a way that gives rise to various hierarchical and anti-pluralist trends.

Pariah status in international society denotes an international social hierarchy and differentiation of states caused by power differentials between state groups along the material and normative spectrums. From the late Qing era to the present day, China’s engagement with international society has largely been marked by a sharp fall from the ‘Middle Kingdom’ to a pariah, followed by a recent rise to great power status. This thesis traces and analyses China’s experience as a pariah in international society since 1839, and explains China’s responses to the normative boundaries and behavioural standards set by members of international society. To this end, this thesis addresses two themes. Theme One (Chapter 1, 2, 3, 4) provides an account of the sociological history of pariah state, on which basis it conducts an empirical study on China’s pariah past. Theme Two (Chapter 5) brings in a sociological account of status to understand the fall and rise of states (particularly that of China), and to explain state responses to the normative boundaries alongside their status change in international society. Moreover, it challenges the material-power based power transition theory on China’s rise and destiny, and argues for an alternative status-led account. In general, this thesis resonates greatly with English School theorists and social constructivists in terms of the understanding of and approach towards international relations. In a broad sense, it adopts a combined sociological and historical approach towards the study of the international, specifically that of pariah and status. The main contentions of this thesis are: first, pariah is a social, relational and historically contingent term. Pariah states are socially made through a process of rule making, rule-application, and behaviour-judging, with the rule-makers being those who are positioned at the higher ends of both material and normative power spectrums. The criteria for pariah are not fixed, but subject to change as they are conditioned by the changing international normative/material structures and dynamics among actors. Second, state status has both material and social implications in international society. It derives from the internal/domestic attributes of the state as well as the external/international. The attainment of status hinges upon material power capacity, state identity, behavioural legitimacy, and international perception thereof. Third, empirically, the fall and rise of China in international society is not merely a process of China’s material power decline and elevation relative to others, but was also accompanied by its social mobility downward and upward. China’s responses to the international normative boundaries are not purely determined by material power incentives. Instead, it is the complex interplay between the material and the social that accounts for China’s constant struggle between compliance with the standardised behavioural codes prescribed in the standard of civilisation, and attempts to contest them by inserting its own civilisational values.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Tennessee, Knoxville, 2003. / Title from title page screen (viewed Sept. 24, 2003). Thesis advisor: Dr. Edward L. Counts, Jr. Document formatted into pages (xii, 206 p. : ill.(some col.)). Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-76).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1975. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 193-205).

This project examines the relationship between the international system and the lived experience of peoples. This dissertation is aimed at understanding the ways in which recognition at the international level can shape not only the way people choose to behave, but also the way they conceive of their own identities. It introduces theorizing on the concepts of identity, habitus, and hysteresis to the field of international relations (IR) in an attempt to better understand often overlooked conflicts created by the international state system. In doing so, it includes an exploration of the role that recognition plays in creating idealized identities for everyone in the state system and the resulting conflicts that arise when individuals possess group identities that do not align with the state-based identities that the international system and its structures are premised upon. Through a return to studying the first image in the IR literature I explore the ways in which varying forms of recognition in international institutions (states, collections of law, and IO positions, agreements, and membership rules) impact the way different groups of people view themselves within the larger global order, and how that in turn alters the way they behave politically over time. I argue that misrecognition of the identities of individuals and collectives of individuals by international institutions and actors threatens their habitus, potentially resulting in shifts in their political behavior dependent upon the cohesion of the collective’s sense of self and the support they have from other members of the international community. / Political Science

This study makes a contribution to the distinction between Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft models of society at the regional level by investigating the understanding of the Romanian governmental elites with respect to the EU and the EU's Second Pillar. The findings of the study suggest that the conscious recognition of common culture and common values help distinguish between system and society at the regional level because they imply adherence to a common political identity. It is widely agreed in the ES that an international system develops an international society and when states engage in mutual recognition of "sovereign equality" an international society exists. The case of Romania shows that the EU is a pluralistic international society divided in decision-making between the core and the periphery in which political criteria serves for mutual recognition. Political criteria defined by the application of the rule of law and anti-corruption measures as well as by the common understanding of Western democratic culture and Western political values seem to hinder Romania from acquiring a distinctive voice in EU decision-making. Political instability continues to be a perennial concern for Romania despite EU membership. This study highlights that political instability results from an inadequate understanding of EU common political values underpinning the principles of western style democracy. The findings also indicate that before 2007 Romanians described the connection with the EU in sentimental, common historical ties in contrast to after 2007, when Romania's Accession Treaty and the Treaty of Lisbon were increasingly invoked in context of equal recognition status hence highlighting contractual ties with the EU. The study is framed by the international society and uses an interpretive methodology associated with international society to highlight that at the regional level culture and values give meaning to society and help the common understanding of members of international society to pursue common interests. Adherence to common EU political culture and values are imperative for political stability in Romania and for harmonizing Romanian elites' mentalities in political and security practices with those of other EU members. A useful recommendation emerging from the findings is that international society should be examined further in context of power and prudence in order to understand how the existence of common interests, rules, norms, and values of the Union members influence the distinction between the international system and international society. / Ph. D.

This thesis discusses the undefined condition of sovereignty in Antarctica and its implications for the governance of the region. Antarctica emerged into international society with the expansion of its primary institutions in the nineteenth century. Sealing and whaling were the first practices and identities to develop, followed by exploration and scientific expeditions to the continent. Knowing and controlling the Antarctic region promised not only commercial supremacy at the beginning of the twentieth century, but also the reinforcement of national desires for imperial greatness. Sovereignty claims were stated by Argentina, Australia, Chile, France, New Zealand, Norway and the United Kingdom, but not mutually recognised. This conundrum established the foundation of Antarctic politics until the present day. Claimants have pursued to demonstrate authority in any way possible, and have been confronted not only by rivals\' overlapping claims but also by the Soviet Union and the United Sates, potential claimants who did not recognise sovereignty without effective occupation, but who did save their own rights to make claims in the future. The impossibility to reach a common agreement was solved by instituting a permanent non-solution: the Antarctic Treaty established a governance where claimants and potential claimants maintained control over decision-making. Its diplomatic culture constituted a social system which preserved the original power-configuration through consensus, slow institutional transformation and limited participation from other actors. As fields of activity that did not define sovereignty, scientific research and environmental protection were raised as Antarctic principles. They have legitimised the Treaty to international society, as peace has been maintained in the region. However, as the main decision-makers, claimants and potential claimants have reassured their leading roles by their scientific and environmental performance, as experience and expertise are seen to be indispensable qualities for those engaging in a region as exceptional as Antarctica. Since sovereignty and territoriality were not subject to norm localisation in the same way as that found in international society, Antarctica was defined as an exceptional place, demanding an exceptional governance framework for claimants and potential claimants as the ultimate authority in the region. By explicitly making sovereignty an undefined article, the Treaty configures a regional international society made exceptional in order to preserve its original authority. / Esta tese propõe discutir as implicações de uma soberania indefinida para a governança antártica. A Antártica emergiu na sociedade internacional por meio da expansão de suas instituições primárias para a região. Atividades foqueiras e baleeiras configuraram as primeiras práticas e identidades, seguidas por expedições científicas e de exploração. Conhecer e controlar esta região garantiam não só liderança comercial às nações envolvidas, mas também o fortalecimento de seus imaginários nacionais no início do século XX. Assim, soberania territorial foram reivindicadas por Argentina, Austrália, Chile, França, Nova Zelândia, Noruega e Reino Unido, porém sem mútuo reconhecimento. Este impasse passou, então, a fundamentar a política antártica. Os reclamantes buscaram demonstrar sua autoridade por diversas formas, uma vez que eram antagonizados não só por reivindicações rivais, mas também pela União Soviética e pelos Estados Unidos, potenciais reclamantes que não reconhecem soberania sem ocupação efetiva; mas que resguardam seus próprios direitos para uma futura reivindicação. A impossibilidade de se chegar a um acordo foi resolvida por meio da suspensão das discussões sobre soberania, o que na prática manteve o controle de reclamantes e potenciais reclamantes sobre a tomada de decisões. A cultura diplomática do Tratado Antártico constituiu um sistema social que preservou a configuração original de poder através do consenso, da lenta transformação institucional e da participação limitada de outros atores. Por outro lado, por não demandarem uma definição de soberania, pesquisa científica e proteção ambiental foram alçadas como princípios antárticos, legitimando perante a sociedade internacional um Tratado que vem assegurando a paz na região. Pesquisa científica e proteção ambiental também preservaram o protagonismo dos reivindicadores e potenciais reivindicadores no processo decisório, uma vez que experiência e expertise são considerados essenciais em uma região definida como excepcional. Dado que soberania e territorialidade não poderiam ter sua localização normativa de forma similar à sociedade internacional, a Antártica foi definida como um lugar excepcional, demandando um arranjo governamental particular onde reclamantes e potenciais reclamantes pudessem atuar como autoridade final na região. Uma soberania formalmente indefinida pelo Tratado configura uma sociedade internacional regional estruturada excepcionalmente, de maneira a preservar seu arranjo original de autoridade.

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<p>This thesis discusses the recent change in EU’s immigration policy. EU’s restrictive policies may be changed by the two proposals, COM(2007)637 and COM(2007)638, presented in October 2007. These proposals were formed during a process in which representatives from the African Union (AU) were present in discussions about migration. Using official documents from EU and AU, we study this inter-regional interaction process with the English School theories of “international society” and with a Social Constructivist ontological model describing the relationship between agents, structure and institutions/regimes. We find that the proposal changes the trans-regional migration regime, and by extension the structure and the trans-regional world order. This will probably lead to an increase in the number of African labour immigrants in the EU, which may enlarge the trans-regional “world society” and, in turn, the inter-regional “international society”.</p>

Cyberwar challenges future endeavors of state security. As technological capability has improved, and access to information has become more widespread the importance of the issue in today's ever-globalizing world grows each day. A primary objective is to evaluate the place of cyber-warfare against nation-states and any repercussions under an international law paradigm. Utilizing an English School perspective, emphasis will be applied to the argument that disruptive circumstances could come to fruition if international conventions are not created to bring consensus and order among nation-states on this subject. This study hypothesizes that a future application could be an agreement under international law, beyond current regional cooperative initiatives. Since cyber-related attack is a relatively new development, the issue lacks adequate historical context. In addition, since state behavior is a major contributor to the interpretation of international law, the matter is in need of a clear delineation of the norms that define the phenomena and what acceptable responses might entail. Case study analysis will highlight recent examples of state behavior and cyber-related attacks and sabotages.