No

No / One of the distinctive features of the post-war process of European economic and political integration is the debate about the emergence of a European Social Model (ESM). Advocates and critics have clashed over the precise meaning of the ESM concept, whether it exists in a meaningful and singular form, and whether it challenges or bolsters – by providing some sort of discursive justification – the current neoliberal trajectory of the European Union (EU). While some of the claimed elements of the ESM do exist/have been adopted, this article argues that they do not constitute a coherent alternative to the dominant market liberal model and bias towards negative integration that has underpinned the EU since the 1980s. Furthermore, contemporary developments have served to further entrench these tendencies at the expense of progressive social forces that seek to construct a genuine ESM.

No

Yes / This contribution focuses on two fundamental features of the African continent that will affect both sides of the Mediterranean in the 21st Century. On the one hand, the huge migration potential of Africa. On the other, the speed of economic change of a continent increasingly regarded as ‘the next China’. The challenge facing both the European Union and Africa is to ensure that African growth and demography will be sustainable. The paper argues that Europe will be the part of the world the most directly affected by developments in Africa, be they the worst random shocks or the most virtuous economic trends. It therefore calls for an ambitious renewed EU-Africa economic partnership, similar in scope to the Chinese cooperation model in Africa but without imitating it, to avoid a migratory haemorrhage and make African development sustainable to the benefit of both sides of the Mediterranean.

No / The pace of economic integration amongst European Union (EU) member states has accelerated considerably during the past decade, highlighted by the process of Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). Many aspects of the EU's apparatus, however, have failed to evolve in order to meets these new challenges. This book explores the issue of fiscal federalism within the context of EU integration from theoretical, historical, policy and global perspectives. It contrasts the pace of integration amongst EU member states with the failure of financial and administrative apparatus to evolve to encompass fiscal federalism, i.e. the development of a centralised budgetary system. This impressive collection, with contributions from a range of internationally respected authors, shall interest students and researchers involved with European economics and economic integration. Its accessible style will also make it extremely useful to policy-makers and professionals for whom European economic integration is a daily topic of conversation.

Yes / This chapter discuss several key issues for the UK in relation to Brexit. Firstly, how new directions could be initiated to fund infrastructure aimed at boosting the UK's future growth potential and/or promote reindustrialisation by nurturing strategic industries through the early and unknowable stages of their development until they achieve their own international competitive advantage. Secondly, we contest the belief that globalisation has created a new environment eroding the efficiency of traditional policy instruments and with it the relevance of individual nation states. Finally, in this context we conclude by arguing that Brexit offers a unique opportunity to negotiate of a new trade relationship with the EU, together with the rest of the world to both replace previous trade deals concluded by the EU, but also to establish a new set of relationships with a wider set of potential trade partners.

Yes / Le Brexit représente le changement le plus important dans les relations que le Royaume-Uni a entretenu avec l’Europe et le monde depuis la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale. La décision britannique de mettre fin à plus de quatre décennies de participation au projet européen, la détermination du gouvernement de Theresa May à extraire son pays de l’Union Européenne (UE), mais aussi de l’Union douanière, du Marché intérieur, de la juridiction de la Cour Européenne de Justice, de l’ensemble des règlementations européennes, et même de la Convention Européenne des Droits de l’Homme, ont des implications multiples et lourdes de conséquences dans de vastes domaines. Le Royaume-Uni est certes le premier pays affecté, et ce sur tous les plans. Toutefois, la France et l’Allemagne, ainsi que le projet européen, sont aussi directement concernés par ce divorce qui laisse présager d’importantes répercussions économiques et politiques, mais aussi un déclin progressif de leur voisin d’outre-Manche, avec les conséquences qui pourront en découler.

Yes / This article reviews critically the recent EU legislation and proposals for the regulation of financial technology (‘fintech”) and makes recommendations for legal improvements in the proposed frameworks, which will help to accelerate fintech growth, a declared EU goal, in the years to come. The rise of fintech driven by non-bank entities (technology startups, finance, big tech and big retail companies) helps to transform financial services industry, but also threatens the market positions of traditional banks and through them potentially the stability of the financial system. The current EU proposals, as presented in the Commission’s Fintech Action Plan published in 2018 and follow-up measures, outlined a number of steps to support fintech, while ensuring the protection of market stability and consumers and the maintenance of level playing field in the financial services markets. The article argues that, while the Commission’s proposed policy mix contains certain positive measures for fintech, it remains, overall, conservative and favours the incumbents. It also argues that unless the Commission becomes bolder and adopts a more flexible legal framework for fintech (for which the article makes specific recommendations), the latter will not grow at the pace needed to help build a competitive ad-vantage for the EU financial sector. The Commission’s continuing support of the established market landscape dominated by financial conglomerates employing traditional business models risks undermining the ability of the European financial system to adapt to the changing competition landscape created by advancing financial technologies and to fully address stability concerns, which emerged as a result of the financial crisis.

The main objective of this paper is to analyze how the concept of security within the EU's Eastern Partnership (EaP) has evolved over time in response to the shifting security landscape in the Eastern neighborhood. The research aims to determine if securitization has become more prevalent in the EaP and how the security concept has shifted since the EaP's inception. Basing it on a qualitative strategy and supplemented with quantitative methods, the research used content analysis on selected key terms in official EaP documents spanning from 2009 to 2021. The coding was focused on ‘security’ and terms associated with it coupled with additional terms of ‘economic integration’; ‘stability’; ‘strategic’; ‘prosperity’; and ‘common values’. Securitization theory, rooted in constructivism, was used to explain how securitizing actors utilize speech acts to draw attention to issues. Findings indicate that ‘security’ has become more prevalent over the years and that it has evolved from dealing with ‘energy security’ to involving new types of security, such as ‘human security’ and ‘cyber security.’ Other non-security related terms, especially ‘economic integration’, has become less prevalent over the years. The results indicate the EaP is shifting its focus from economic integration to securitization, with 'Security' emerging as the new primary goal, encompassing areas like cyber and human security in response to Russian destabilization efforts. Future EU policies, particularly after the next EaP summit, are expected to further emphasize security, potentially including military aspects, especially considering the EU's support for Ukraine. The causes of this shift are complex, involving both reactive adaptations by the EU and strategic moves to counter Russian influence, necessitating further research post-summit on the evolving nature of securitization in the EaP.

This project addresses the Republic of Serbia’s current accession negotiations with the European Union, and asks how the country’s long and often turbulent history affects that dialogue. Using Filip Ejdus’ concept of historical memory and Benedict Anderson’s “imagined community” theory of nationalism, this paper discusses how Serbia has reached a critical moment in its history by pursuing European integration. This contradicts their historical pull towards their longtime ally Russia. What role does historical memory play in these negotiations, and is integration truly possible? Additionally, how is Serbia’s powerful president, Aleksandar Vucic, using the Europeanization process to strengthen his hand domestically? / Master of Arts / This thesis addresses the Republic of Serbia’s current accession negotiations with the European Union, and asks how the country’s long and often turbulent history affects that dialogue. I argue that Serbia is at a crossroads in its history: on one hand, it wishes to join the European Union, but on the other is continually pulled to the east with their historical ally, Russia. I argue that President Aleksandar Vucic is using the EU negotiations to enhance his own power and that if the EU admits Serbia into the body they will be trading regional stability for Serbian democracy.