No / One of the distinctive features of the post-war process of European economic and political integration is the debate about the emergence of a European Social Model (ESM). Advocates and critics have clashed over the precise meaning of the ESM concept, whether it exists in a meaningful and singular form, and whether it challenges or bolsters – by providing some sort of discursive justification – the current neoliberal trajectory of the European Union (EU). While some of the claimed elements of the ESM do exist/have been adopted, this article argues that they do not constitute a coherent alternative to the dominant market liberal model and bias towards negative integration that has underpinned the EU since the 1980s. Furthermore, contemporary developments have served to further entrench these tendencies at the expense of progressive social forces that seek to construct a genuine ESM.

<p>This paper has two aims. The first aim is to study and describe the manifest ideology of the EU's social policy. The second aim is to analyse to what extent the manifest ideology might be a part of building a common European identity - by finding common solutions to commonEuropean problems (problems, more or less constructed as common). The research is a critical ideology analysis, made up of a qualitative text analysis of EU social policy documents and National strategy reports (NSR). I ask two questions. Firstly, which are the main features in the manifest ideology of EU social policy as described in the texts? Secondly, what picture of a European identity is visible when reading the EU social policy texts and the National Strategy Reports? I have found five main features of the manifest ideology. These revolve around: how the world and change in the world are described according to the EU; the mutual interaction between the Lisbon objectives and greater social cohesion; the creating of social cohesion; the importance of how policies are constructed and implemented and the EU's self-image. The texts offer either two quite different pictures with regards to the question of a European identity or ones that is partly incoherent. The analysed EU policy texts put across a picture of a uniform Europe, suggest that there is something genuinely European and a common European identity. However, the picture obtained when reading the NSRs and the collected picture of the EU policy texts and the NSRs is much less coherent. The paper argues that the manifest ideology could be a part of building a European identity, but it does not manage to prove that it actually is.</p>

The thesis mainly scrutinizes the evolution of European Social Dimension from the early period of the European integration to the Lisbon Summit of 2000 and the formation of the draft EU Constitution in 2003. While the focus is on the changing role of social policy at the European Union level during the period of welfare state transformation, the thesis tries to lay down the normative and discursive linkages constructed between the concepts of European Social Model and the Social Market Economy. Subsequent to the inquiry made into the theoretical foundations of the Social Market Economy and its practice in Germany, the thesis discusses how diverse European actors employ the concept, which is ambiguous in nature, as a comprehensive framework within which a European political identity that may be constructed around European Social Model could be grounded.

This diploma thesis deals with the social policies of the European Union and with poverty. Social policies are divided into five social models, based on basic typologies. Individual social models are characterized separately and the claims are supported by appropriate economic indicators. The practical part builds on these theoretical foundations and examines the dependence of variables and social models. Based on the indicators of poverty, the social situation of the individual states of the European Union is defined. Dependencies were created using indicators of poverty and economic variables. A generalized linear model was designed to determine the dependence of the social situation in the EU based on selected factors.

The aim of this PhD thesis was to illustrate the modernisation of Swedish and British welfare policies during the time of the EU’s Lisbon Agenda which aimed at reconciling social protection with labour market integration. Specifically it should be illustrated if both countries managed to cope with the weaknesses and shortcomings that European policy recommendations identified in relation to unemployment benefits, social assistance schemes, parental leave systems and childcare subsidies. The attempt to grasp which role (European) ‘ideas’ were able to play in national welfare modernisation processes between 1998-2008 constituted a key consideration in this regard. By using a case-study design it is worked out that Sweden and Great Britain followed their European recommendations; not completely but significantly. Yet, causal connections can hardly be established and the overall development doesn’t constitute a ‘top-down’ implementation of EU recommendations. In both cases a discourse analysis reveals that the realization of European ideas rather depends on party-political preferences and the arrangement of national discourses. It is shown that ideas become powerful in puzzling situations when existing discourses are challenged and in line with the work of authors like Jørgen Goul Anderssen or Vivien A. Schmidt this thesis confirms the importance of an actor-centred perspective for explaining welfare policies. Considering Sweden as a socialdemocratic and Great Britain as a liberal welfare regime the PhD thesis aims as well at contributing to a better understanding of how policy reforms affected these two differing regime types. For the time during the Lisbon Agenda it holds that they moved ‘closer’ to each other and that welfare modernisation can be described as an exercise of making the social democratic welfare regime a better social democratic welfare regime and of making the liberal welfare regime a better liberal welfare regime. Yet, in 2008 the international financial crisis hit the EU and two years later the Lisbon Strategy was replaced by the EU 2020 Strategy. The PhD thesis takes these developments into account, illustrates the major changes in Swedish and British welfare policies and compares them to the research period. Rather untypical developments in Sweden lead to the conclusion that there might be a certain ‘carousel-effect’ which seems to kind of reallocate ‘problems’ and ‘solutions’ between the different welfare regimes. For Great Britain the conclusion is drawn, that the conservative coalition government triggered a transformation process which wasn’t first and foremost caused by the international financial crisis but represented more of a political choice to make the liberal welfare regime more liberal.

This paper has two aims. The first aim is to study and describe the manifest ideology of the EU's social policy. The second aim is to analyse to what extent the manifest ideology might be a part of building a common European identity - by finding common solutions to commonEuropean problems (problems, more or less constructed as common). The research is a critical ideology analysis, made up of a qualitative text analysis of EU social policy documents and National strategy reports (NSR). I ask two questions. Firstly, which are the main features in the manifest ideology of EU social policy as described in the texts? Secondly, what picture of a European identity is visible when reading the EU social policy texts and the National Strategy Reports? I have found five main features of the manifest ideology. These revolve around: how the world and change in the world are described according to the EU; the mutual interaction between the Lisbon objectives and greater social cohesion; the creating of social cohesion; the importance of how policies are constructed and implemented and the EU's self-image. The texts offer either two quite different pictures with regards to the question of a European identity or ones that is partly incoherent. The analysed EU policy texts put across a picture of a uniform Europe, suggest that there is something genuinely European and a common European identity. However, the picture obtained when reading the NSRs and the collected picture of the EU policy texts and the NSRs is much less coherent. The paper argues that the manifest ideology could be a part of building a European identity, but it does not manage to prove that it actually is.

The thesis describes the historical evolution of the EU social policy, clarifies the concept of the European social model and deals with characteristics of the basic models of the European social policy. The essential part of the thesis is devoted to the comparison of the social systems in Germany and Sweden from the point of view of the amount of taxes and social contributions, the structure of receipts and expenditure on social policy, the systems of old age pension schemes, the family policy and the unemployment benefit. The comparison shows some typical elements of the social state model that these two countries represent. The attention is also devoted to the contemporary challenges which the European social model has to face, especially the demographic development and aspects of globalization. The attitude and responses of the European Union to these challenges are also mentioned here.

The topic of public services is a complex societal issue, which touches upon such questions which are on the border of legal and economic research and comprises various ideas of societal arrangements. The provision of public services in European societies is seen as a constitutive element of the European social model(s). This issue is experiencing a remarkable revival in academic work as well as in political discourse. The aim of this Master's Thesis is to provide an insight into the process of the Europeanization of public services. The Thesis is embarking on questions comprising the national variations of public services, the transformation of the welfare state and the European social model (or models). The common theme which is connecting the different strands of the Thesis is the idea of the crucial influence of European integration on all of these aspects, the process of which has a far-reaching influence on the role and shape of public services and thus on the future societal development in the individual Member states as well as European society as a whole.

La tesi si snoda lungo tre piani di analisi per esaminare i rapporti fra Unione europea e welfare state. Innanzitutto, essa guarda alla CEE come organizzazione sorta principalmente per perseguire l’integrazione economica degli Stati membri senza interferire sulla loro funzione di welfare. Nel ripercorrere l’evoluzione delle competenze sociali dell’Unione europea, la tesi suggerisce come i sussistenti limiti procedurali e sostanziali evidenzino quella logica. In secondo luogo, la tesi ricorre alla categoria di costituzione economica europea al fine di spiegare la limitazione di sovranità cui gli Stati membri sono andati incontro per favorire l’attuazione del principio di libertà economica. Su questa base, vengono enucleati taluni effetti prodotti dalla costituzione economica europea sul welfare state. Un’attenzione particolare è dedicata ai riflessi della costituzione economica in materia pensionistica. Infine, la tesi guarda alle innovazioni apportate dalla Strategia di Lisbona e dal Trattato di Lisbona, con particolare riguardo al rafforzamento del metodo aperto di coordinamento ed all’entrata in vigore della Carta dei diritti fondamentali. In questa luce, si coglie la tendenza all’edificazione di un modello sociale europeo. Avendone discusso genesi e sviluppo, vengono illustrati i suoi tratti distintivi ed i suoi riflessi sulle politiche nazionali di sicurezza sociale e del lavoro. / The thesis examines the relationship between European Union and Welfare State under three different perspectives. Firstly, it looks at the EEC as an organization pursuing economic integration of Member States while not interfering with their welfare function. In tracing the evolution of the social competences of the European Union, it is highlighted how the original logic still underlies the existence of procedural and substantive limits to those competences. Second, the thesis draws on the category of European economic constitution to explain how Member States bounded their sovereignty in order to give full effect to economic freedom. On that basis, the thesis describes some of the inroads made by the European economic constitution into national welfare states, with special attention to its effects on pension systems. Finally, the thesis looks at some of the innovations introduced by the Lisbon Strategy and the Lisbon Treaty, focusing on the strengthening of the Open Method of Co-ordination and the entry into force of the Charter of Fundamental Rights. In this perspective, the thesis captures the emergence of a European social model. Having discussed origins and development of the European social model, its main distinctive features and reflexes on domestic social policies are spelled out.